German-Polish war. German-Polish War (1939). Plans, forces of the parties

In the early morning of September 1st, 1939 Germany attacked Poland. The implementation of Hitler's foreign policy program began, within the framework of which the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact turned out to be. On September 3, Great Britain and France, in accordance with the guarantees given to Poland, declared war on Germany. The German command managed to fully implement the doctrine of lightning war. The Polish army, which was significantly inferior to the Germans in technical equipment, was unable to provide organized resistance. The government left the country on September 6, ended up in Romania, where it was interned by Romanian troops. Already on September 8, German troops reached Warsaw and began the siege, and then the assault on the Polish capital. Matloff E From Casablanca to Overlord. M., 1964. S.324

On September 2, the Soviet ambassador in Warsaw N.I. Sharonov paid an official visit to Beck and, referring to an interview with Voroshilov, asked why Poland did not turn to the USSR for help? Her ambassador Grzhibovsky appeared to Molotov on 5 September. He asked to supply Poland with military materials and to allow the transit of military cargo through the USSR to Poland Parsadanova V.S. Poland, Germany, USSR between August 23 and September 28, 1939// Questions of history. 1997. No. 7. P. 20.

Meanwhile, parts of the Wehrmacht were already near Warsaw. Molotov assured Grzhibovsky of the intention of the Soviet side to fulfill the trade agreement with Poland exactly; that the supply of military materials from the USSR, as well as their transit through the USSR, is swinging, this is unlikely in the current international situation, since the USSR does not want to be drawn into the war on one side or the other and must take measures to ensure its own security.

The Poles expected the active help of their Western allies. In early September, French troops carried out several local offensive operations. Then the active actions stopped, because. the French command adhered to the doctrine of a defensive war with Germany. In anticipation of the German offensive, the French troops took cover behind the Maginot Line. Having an overwhelming advantage, the allied command did not take advantage of the temporary weakness of the German troops on the Western Front. France and Great Britain not only abandoned Poland, but also missed the victory over Germany. At the end of September, the Germans crushed the main pockets of Polish resistance. Warsaw fell on 28 September.

The Soviet leadership closely followed the development of military-political events in Europe. But Moscow preferred not to interfere in the war yet. The German side sought joint action from the very beginning of Hitler's planned military campaign. Stalin, however, at first expected to speak at the right moment.

The entry of Soviet troops into the eastern provinces of Poland was predetermined in the secret additional protocol of August 23, 1939, paragraph 2 of which read: “In the event of a territorial and political reorganization of the regions that are part of the states, the border of the spheres of interests of Germany and the USSR will approximately pass along the line of the rivers Nareva, Vistula and San ”Cit. after 1939: Lessons of history. - M., 1990. P. 365.

On September 3 and 9, Schulenburg, on behalf of Ribbentrop, met with Molotov. The German ambassador explained to Molotov that rapid action by the Red Army was necessary. The People's Commissar assured the ambassador that the right time had not yet come. After a couple of days, Hitler came to the conclusion that the USSR did not want to act at all, in connection with which he began to search for stronger means of pressure on Moscow. And the Soviet side watched the development of events, studying the military and political situation in Poland. She was interested in the opinion of the Polish embassy in Moscow, summoned her military attaché from Berlin. The papers of Molotov's deputies noted that Stalin carefully read all the reports. The package of documents of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, compiled by September 10, had the following conclusion: in economic terms, Poland can no longer wage war, because. Germany captured 40% of its territory, half of the population and all the main economic centers, military-industrial complexes, seaports and cut the railway lines. Politically, Poland was in blockade, militarily the question was generally settled, defeat was inevitable; in general, there is a catastrophe in Poland. The concept of the “Curzon line” was revived in the Soviet lexicon and the motivation for the future actions of the USSR was given. Parsadanova V.S. Poland, Germany, USSR between August 23 and September 28, 1939// Questions of history. 1997. No. 7.S.21.

Stalin delayed the agreed period for the following three reasons:

1. It was necessary to psychologically prepare the Soviet people for the perception of such an unexpected fact, to mislead them about their intentions towards Poland, for which the country's leadership resorted to various manipulations, such as a statement about the introduction of troops into Poland not with military, but with political justification. This was preceded by a hastily launched propaganda campaign that repeated the already familiar German accusations that the Poles mistreated national minorities.

2. The second reason for Stalin's slowness was the need to reassure the world community. Moscow did not want to look like a belligerent ally of Germany and completely close the doors to contacts with Britain and France.

3. There was a danger of interference in the events of the Western powers. The risk associated with the fact that, after declaring war on Germany, they would nevertheless switch to a strategy of effectively supporting Poland on its territory and would consider the Soviet military presence in this country unacceptable, aroused the fear of the Soviet leadership that one or another of its inaccurate actions could be regarded as a casus belli, and the result would be a declaration of war on the Soviet Union by Poland, and then by England and France. Therefore, it is necessary to wait for the final clarification of the situation in Poland. The Soviet leadership was spurred into action by the news that the Polish government had left Warsaw. But still, despite the intense insistence of the German side, Stalin only after more than two weeks after the outbreak of hostilities - on the morning of September 17 - gave the order to cross the western border. Stalin knew that the French should start the campaign on the 15th day after the announcement of mobilization, i.e. September 17th or 18th. Therefore, he set the date for the start of aggression precisely on this date.

According to the plan of the Soviet leadership, which, in fact, led it to an agreement with the Third Reich, and not with the Western powers, one of the Kremlin's priorities was to annex the states that were assigned by mutual agreement to the sphere of interests of the USSR, and at the same time, if possible, remain outside the big war. A characteristic symptom of this political line was the absence of Moscow's official position in connection with the outbreak of the Second World War on September 1, 1939.

On September 17, Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V. Potemkin presented the Polish Ambassador V. Grzybowski with a note from the Soviet government, which stated that the Polish state had practically ceased to exist. In this document, it is important to pay attention to the following points:

1. The situation in Poland could pose a threat to the USSR;

2. Until now, in the German-Polish war, the Soviet Union remained neutral, then at the present time the Soviet government cannot be neutral about these facts;

3. It was recognized that Ukrainians and Belarusians of the same blood remained defenseless, but it was not indicated from whom they should be protected;

4. A new task of the Red Army was formulated: not only to take Ukrainians and Belarusians under protection, but also to “rescue the Polish people from the ill-fated war, where they were thrown by their unreasonable leaders, and give them the opportunity to live a peaceful life” Cited. by Semiryaga M.I. Secrets of Stalinist diplomacy. M., 1992.S.52.

Grzybowski tried to challenge the assessment of the state of the Polish state. He declared that the war was just beginning, so that the action of the Red Army was an unprovoked attack on the Polish Republic, and he refused to inform the Polish government about the note and accept it, because it was incompatible with the dignity of the Polish government and meant the fourth division of Poland. Vice People's Commissar Potemkin, who had a conversation with Grzhibovsky, urged the Polish government to understand the motives of the Soviet decision and agree with the futility of opposing the offensive of the Red Army.

In essence, this position was no different from Hitler's September 1 announcement of defensive action, a kind of "police action" directed against Poland, and a desire to respect the status of neutral states in the "most pedantic way" as long as they remain neutral. .po Meltyukhov M. Soviet-Polish wars. M., 2004 P.314.

The thesis about the non-existence of the Polish state was publicly repeated by V. Molotov at a meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on October 31, 1939. In his speech, he made an insulting statement towards Poland, calling Poland "the ugly brainchild of the Treaty of Versailles" The year of the crisis. T.2, M., 1990. P.137.

So, September 17, 1939. the Soviet government undertook to maintain neutrality with respect to Germany, and in a joint German-Soviet communique adopted on September 18, it was said that the task of the Soviet and German troops operating in Poland "is to restore order and tranquility in Poland, disturbed by the collapse the Polish state, and to help the people of Poland to reorganize the conditions of their state existence. In fact, in this communiqué, the USSR declared itself a military ally of Germany in relation to Poland in order to “put things in order there”, because. a military alliance is understood as the union of two or more states to achieve political goals by military means” Documents of the foreign policy of the USSR. T.22, M., 1992. S. 89.

The Soviet government did not qualify its actions as a war against Poland. Since a state of war can begin not only with a formal declaration of war, but also with the actual opening of hostilities on both sides, the USSR should be recognized as a belligerent, and the Soviet Union and Poland as adversaries.

Note that April 28, 1939. Germany terminated the non-aggression pact with Poland, concluded in 1934. The USSR, however, did not take such a preemptive step, motivating the termination of all agreements with the Polish government by the fact that the latter ceased to exist, just as the Polish state ceased to exist. But since Poland, although it was defeated in the war, its government left the country without signing the act of state and military surrender, then in accordance with the III Hague Convention of 1907 on the opening of hostilities, it did not automatically lose its sovereignty. This meant that the USSR violated the provision of article 1 of the non-aggression treaty of July 25, 1932. In addition, by bringing Soviet troops into the territory of Eastern Poland, the USSR also violated Article 5 of the Riga Peace Treaty with Poland of March 18, 1921, where the USSR guaranteed respect for Poland's sovereignty and refraining from any interference in its internal affairs. Having come to the aid of the “consanguineous Ukrainians and Belarusians” living on the territory of Poland (and without any requests from them) and thereby carrying out the military occupation of almost half of the Polish state, the Soviet government unambiguously violated all the above obligations that it assumed under the Riga Peace Treaty .

The entry of 600,000 Soviet troops into Poland on September 17 came as a surprise to the Polish leadership. The commander-in-chief of the Polish army, Rydz-Smigly, gave the order not to conduct hostilities with the Soviet troops, with the exception of an onslaught from them or attempts to disarm the Polish units. The order, read out to the Red Army, demanded a loyal attitude towards the Polish military personnel, if they did not show armed resistance, reminded them of the observance of the laws of war. At the same time, the fact of military operations of the Red Army against the Polish army was recognized by Molotov in his report at the session of the Supreme Council on October 31, 1939, where he stated that Poland fell apart due to the blow of the German and then the Red Army. by Semiryaga M.I. Secrets of Stalin's diplomacy. - M., 1992. P.59.

The Soviet embassy in Warsaw experienced hard times in those days. And it was not only that several shells exploded in the building and a fire broke out. The main thing was that people did not know what to do. On September 6, Sharonov, along with the rest of the diplomatic corps, left Warsaw with the trade representative, military attaché, consul, and two cryptographers. The rest had no connection with Moscow. There was no one to encrypt, besides, shell explosions destroyed the radio station. On September 17, representatives of General Rummel, who commanded the defense of Warsaw, arrived at Chargé d'Affaires Temporary Chebysheb with the question, how should the crossing of the Polish border by the Red Army be understood? How to help the Poles or the Germans? “We declared that there can be no question of helping the Germans, because the Soviet Union strictly observes neutrality in the war between Poland and Germany, and that this transition should be considered as helping the peoples of Poland to get out of the state of war and live a peaceful life.”

On the same day, another military delegation handed Chebyshev a letter from Rummel, which stated that the Polish command did not consider the crossing of the border by the Red Army as a state of war between the USSR and Poland. It contained a request to convey to the Soviet government that instructions had been given to the Polish military units on the eastern border to treat the Soviet troops as the troops of the allies of Parsadanova V.S. Poland, Germany, USSR between August 23 and September 28, 1939//Questions of history.-1997. No. 7. P.24.

Immediately after the entry of the Red Army into Poland, a new round of diplomatic negotiations with Germany began in Moscow. Already on the evening of September 18, in a conversation with Schulenburg, Stalin unexpectedly announced that "the Soviet side has certain doubts as to whether the German high command will adhere to the Moscow agreement at the appropriate time and whether it will return to the line that was determined in Moscow." German diplomats categorically rejected his fears and stated that the Wehrmacht was subject to the orders of the Führer and all agreements with Moscow would be strictly observed.

“In order to avoid all sorts of unfounded rumors about the tasks of the Soviet and German troops operating in Poland, the government of the USSR and the government of Germany declare that the actions of these troops do not pursue any goal that runs counter to the interests of Germany or the Soviet Union and is contrary to the spirit and letter of the pact on non-aggression concluded between Germany and the USSR. The task of these troops, on the contrary, is to restore order and tranquility in Poland, disturbed by the collapse of the Polish state, and to help the people of Poland reorganize the conditions of their state existence. according to Meltyukhov M.I. Soviet-Polish wars.-M., 2004. P.494. The significance of the invasion of Soviet troops into Poland, coordinated with Berlin, can hardly be overestimated. To carry out this action, large forces were concentrated, surpassing in power the entire Polish Army. The grouping, which was part of the Ukrainian and Belorussian fronts, consisted of 28 rifle and 7 cavalry divisions, 10 tank brigades and 7 artillery regiments of the reserve of the High Command. In total, there were more than 466 thousand people, about 4 thousand tanks, over 5.5 thousand guns and 2 thousand aircraft. This whole armada was put into action at dawn on September 17 by orders of the High Command of the Red Army, which combined deliberate lies in motivating upcoming actions with a clear formulation of a specific task for the troops. So, in the order to the troops of the Belorussian Front, on the one hand, it was said about the need "to assist the insurgent workers and peasants of Belarus and Poland in overthrowing the yoke of the landlords and capitalists and to prevent the seizure of the territory of Western Belarus by Germany", and on the other - "to destroy and capture the armed forces Poland, operating east of the Lithuanian border and the Grodno-Kobrin line, 1939: history lessons. M., 1991, p.349.

The Soviet navy also took part in the Polish campaign, the tasks of which were both military and political in nature. The latter was dictated by the Kremlin's plan to use the alleged activation of the Polish fleet in the Baltic Sea in order to put pressure on the Baltic states, primarily on Estonia.

In Berlin, they were very pleased with this development of events, not only in political spheres, but also among some of the senior staff officers, who were well aware of the real benefits of this intervention. E. Wagner, the Chief of Staff of the Quartermaster General in the High Command of the Ground Forces (OKH), wrote in his diary that Day: “Today at 6 o’clock in the morning the Russians marched. ... Finally! It’s a great relief for us: firstly, for us a large area will be covered, then we will save a lot of occupying forces, and, finally, Russia will find itself at war with England, if the British want it. The union will be complete ... "James Blunt. German invasion in Poland. http://past.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/citation/116/1/138. The next day, the Chief of the General Staff of the Ground Forces, General F. Halder, noted in his diary the influence of the advance of the Soviet troops on the operational situation on the German-Polish front. Cit. by Ratkin V.P. Secrets of the Second World War. Smolensk, 1996. P. 490.

Starting from September 19, at the level of individual armies and divisions of the Wehrmacht, contacts were established with the advancing units of the Red Army, which led to coordinated actions of both armies in the areas of contact. However, the jointly carried out defeat of the Polish armed forces required greater coordination of the actions of the Wehrmacht and the Red Army. This was the subject of the military talks held in Moscow on September 20-21. They were attended by: from the Soviet side, People's Commissar of Defense Marshal K.E. Voroshilov and the chief of the general staff, commander of the 1st rank B.M. Shaposhnikov, from the German - the military attaché, Major General E. Köstring, his deputy lieutenant colonel X. Krebs and the air attaché, Colonel G. Ashenbrenner. In the joint protocol adopted as a result of the negotiations, in particular, the following "division of labor" was recorded: the Wehrmacht undertook to take "necessary measures" to prevent "possible provocations and sabotage actions by Polish gangs and the like" in the transferred to the Red Army cities and villages; the command of the Red Army was obliged, if necessary, to allocate "forces for the destruction of parts of the Polish troops or bands" in the directions of the withdrawal of German troops to the zone occupied by them. Having received information about these negotiations, General Halder noted in his diary: "The Russians offered military assistance with local Polish resistance." It is not surprising that upon receipt of such information at the General Staff of the Ground Forces, one of the Oberquartimeisters issued an order on September 20 to the officer for special assignments: "It is urgent to clarify whether Russia should be considered as a neutral or allied military force..." Cited. by Ratkin V.P. Secrets of the Second World War. Smolensk, 1996. P. 494.

Two days later, Voroshilov's directive, completely in the spirit of the newly reached Soviet-German agreement, was handed over to the Soviet troops advancing in Poland. It stated: "When the German representatives appeal to the command of the Red Army for assistance in the destruction of Polish units or bands that stand in the way of the movement of small units of the German troops, the command of the Red Army, the heads of the columns, if necessary, allocate the necessary forces to ensure the destruction obstacles that lie in the way of movement. by Ratkin V.P. Secrets of the Second World War. Smolensk, 1996. P. 496.

On September 19, a German military delegation arrived in Moscow to discuss the issue of establishing a line of demarcation between German and Soviet troops in Poland. From the Soviet side, Voroshilov and Shaposhnikov participated in the negotiations.

On September 20-22, a Soviet-German communiqué was agreed, and on September 23 published: “The German government and the government of the USSR established a demarcation line between the German and Soviet armies, which runs along the Pissa River to its confluence with the Narew River, then along the Narew River to its confluence into the Bug River, further along the Bug River to its confluence with the Vistula River, further along the Vistula River until its confluence with the San River and further along the San River to its sources "Documents of Foreign Policy of the USSR 1939. T. XXII: M., 1992. 548 p.. In fact, the new demarcation line between the USSR and Germany almost completely corresponded to the “Curzon Line” proposed by the British government back in 1920. as a possible border between the USSR and Poland. Then, after the defeat of Soviet Russia, part of the territory along the "Curzon Line" moved away from Russia to Poland. The return to this "natural" border made it easier for the Soviet government to explain its actions in the eyes of the world community, which was part of the general strategy of the Soviet Union in September 1939.

(REVIEW OF MILITARY ACTIONS)

The outbreak of hostilities between Germany and Poland was preceded by a series of border conflicts and clashes on their borders and in the city of Danzig. At the same time, feverish preparations were made for war on both sides. The troops were brought to combat readiness and hastily transferred to the borders. General mobilizations were announced, the population from the most threatened centers was evacuated, shelters were built and air defense systems were strengthened.

September 1st at 5:00 p.m. 45 min. hostilities began between Germany and Poland. The main blows of the German troops were directed: at the destruction of the corridor separating Danzig from Germany, at the capture of industrial regions in Upper Silesia. In addition, the blows of the German troops were directed to the areas north of Czestochowa, to Lodz and from East Prussia to Mlawa, Prasnysh.

The last two directions, in the event of successful actions by the German troops, threatened the encirclement of the Polish troops located west of Warsaw, in the Poznan and Torun regions, and also created a threat to Warsaw.

On September 1, the German troops achieved the greatest results in the corridor area, deepening into it both from East Prussia in the direction of Graudenz, and from Pomerania. German troops captured Chojnica and Tuchel; Polish troops stationed in the Gdynia region and south of it were forced to a hasty retreat. The German navy subjected the port of Gdynia to artillery fire. On the same day, German troops undertook to clear the Danzig region from Polish troops.

Polish troops put up the most stubborn resistance to the advancing German units in the area of ​​​​Czestochowa and Katowice. The fighting took on a stubborn character, and only by the evening of September 2, the German troops, using the superiority of technology, in particular tank units, managed to break the resistance of the Poles and capture Częstochowa. At the same time, the German troops operating in the corridor reached the Vistula River southwest of Graudenz and united with the troops advancing from East Prussia.

In Eastern Silesia, hostilities developed successfully for the German troops, who captured the entire region of Teszyn Silesia, which at one time was torn away by the Poles from Czecho-Slovakia. Pless and Bielsk-Byala were also occupied.

German aviation, taking advantage of its air superiority, continued to bombard Polish cities, railways and bridges. There was some activity of Polish troops in the area south of Graudenz; these troops tried to deliver counterattacks to the German troops advancing from East Prussia. Polish aviation was also active in the Częstochowa area, raiding the advancing German motorized columns. Polish anti-aircraft artillery managed to shoot down several dozen German aircraft. It is not possible to establish the exact number due to conflicting data transmitted by the seals of both belligerents. Also, a more or less exact number of losses and trophies on both sides over the past days of hostilities has not yet been established.

On September 3 and 4, the offensive of the German troops continued to develop successfully in all major operational areas. German troops were occupied by Wadowice, 36 kilometers from Krakow; this led to the withdrawal of the Polish troops located west of Krakow. A breakthrough in the Częstochowa region was developed in the direction of Petrokov, while Koniecpol, Radomsk and Kamenisko were occupied. The German troops operating in the corridor directed their attack in a southerly direction to Torun and, after stubborn fighting, occupied Bydgoszcz. German troops advancing from East Prussia occupied Mlava and Prasnysh and developed an offensive against Tsekhanov, located on the outskirts of Warsaw.

On September 5 and 6, the efforts of the German troops were directed in the south to capture Krakow, which they managed to do by the evening of September 6. Krakow was surrendered by the Poles without a fight, bridges over the river. The Vistula was not blown up; this testifies to the hasty withdrawal of the Polish troops.

North of Krakow, German troops, pursuing the Poles, reached the Petrokov-Kielce line, thus creating a direct threat to the important industrial region of Poland - Radom, Kielce and Sandomierz.

In the Sieradz region, German troops broke through the fortified zone, after which they managed to advance in the direction of Lodz. At the same time, the German troops actively fettered the Polish units defending the Poznan and Torun region, preventing the Poles from transferring troops to eliminate breakthroughs in the south and north of Warsaw.

As a result of fierce fighting on the Vistula and on the outskirts of the Torun fortress, the German troops defeated the 9th and 27th Polish infantry divisions and a cavalry brigade. The Poles suffered heavy losses. According to German data, about 15,000 prisoners were captured, more than 100 guns and a large number of different weapons.

The Polish 7th Infantry Division was also defeated in the Częstochowa area, and its headquarters, led by the division commander, was taken prisoner.

German troops advancing from East Prussia to Warsaw, by the evening of September 6, reached the Plonsk, Tsekhanov, Rozhan line (50 km north of Warsaw), where they were temporarily detained by the defending Polish units.

The Polish government left Warsaw for Lublin. German aviation continued to carry out raids and bombarded railway junctions, thereby disorganizing the entire work of the rear of the Polish army.

At the same time, German aviation bombarded and machine-gunned the retreating Polish units and suitable reserves. On September 7, German motorized units broke through in the Petrokov area and quickly developed an offensive against Warsaw. By the evening of the same day, Rawa Mazowiecka, located 70 km away, was occupied by them. from Warsaw.

On September 7, the offensive of the German troops continued from the north to Warsaw and their exit to the Narew River in the area of ​​the city of Pultusk (50 km north of Warsaw).

The noose around Warsaw tightened tighter and tighter.

In the south, German troops directed their main attack along the Krakow-Tarnow railway, with the aim of capturing Jaslo, a rich oil region.

On September 8, by 17:00, the advanced motorized units of the German troops managed to reach the outskirts of the city of Warsaw, and also reached the river. Vistula near Gura Kalwaria (south of Warsaw).

The German troops advancing from the Kielce region reached the Vistula River near Sandomierz. Tarnow was occupied, the offensive continued to develop on Rzeszow (a major center of the military industry).

To the north of Warsaw, the German units, having crossed the Narew River, occupied Mazowiecki Island, bypassing Warsaw from the east.

In southern Poland, as a result of the battle on the Wisłoka River, German motorized units occupied the city of Rzeszow.

With the release of German troops to the Vistula River near Gura-Kalvaria and Sandomierz and the occupation of Radom and Zvolyan, the escape routes of the Polish troops are cut off.

With the occupation of the Radom, Kielce, Sandomierz, and Rzeszow regions by the German troops, Poland lost its main military-industrial region.

Northeast of Warsaw, Polish troops were driven back to the eastern bank of the river. Bug. Vyshkow was occupied by German troops.

At the same time, the occupation of the Poznań province continued. It can be assumed that the Polish units located there, due to their almost complete encirclement and lack of ammunition, will be forced to surrender.

The Polish government was forced to evacuate again. It is supposed that it will go from Lublin to Lvov.

It can be assumed that the connection of the German troops advancing on Warsaw from the south and from the north will take place in the area of ​​​​Vengrov, Sedlec (east of Warsaw) bypassing the Modlin fortress (former Novogeorgievsk).

A review of the hostilities between Germany and Poland during the first 9 days reveals an extremely rapid advance of the German troops. In this regard, it is impossible not to touch on the reasons that led Poland to the loss of almost all of its political and economic centers.

The main reasons are as follows:

1. The absence of sufficiently powerful fortified areas on the western borders of Poland.

2. The superiority of the German air forces, which in the very first days of hostilities managed to inflict heavy blows on Polish aviation at its bases (airfields) and disorganize the Polish rear by continuous bombing (this deprived the Polish command of the ability to quickly regroup and concentrate forces).

3. Superiority in ground military equipment, mainly in heavy artillery.

4. Lack of effective assistance from Britain and France to Poland.

Speaking about the future prospects of the war for Poland, it can be stated that, despite the preservation of still significant Polish military units that managed to be withdrawn across the Vistula River, the Polish command is unlikely to be able to offer serious resistance, since they have lost almost the entire military and economic base.

E. SOSNIN.

24.02.2014 16:34

Soviet soldier

On January 26, 1934, a non-aggression pact and an agreement of understanding were signed between Germany and Poland. German-Polish relations during the Weimar Republic were rather cool. In 1932, Marshal Piłsudski considered the possibility of launching a preventive war.

He sent requests to Paris regarding a joint military operation, but he was not heard there. Before and after 1933, only 100,000 people were under arms in the Reich, while the Polish army already in 1925 had 270,286 soldiers and officers. Since there was universal two-year conscription in Poland, the republic could, within a short time, call on an additional 2.5 million reservists. Poland, whose population was not even half the population of Germany, enjoyed overwhelming military superiority over the Reich (figures from the Gothic Diplomat. Almanac, 1927, Justus Perthes, p. 790; Treaty of Plötz ibid. Part 2, pp. 125-127 ).

In the same year, 1934, on September 13, Poland denounced in the League of Nations the "Law for the Protection of Minorities." Thus, the law was repealed, the observance of which was imposed on the Polish state during the negotiations at Versailles. Only Poland has never adhered to the provisions of the law on the protection of minorities before. Despite the conclusion of the treaty of January 26, 1934, the abuse of the German minority continued. There was even an impression that they had intensified.

For twenty years, from 1919 until the outbreak of the German-Polish war in 1939, the suppression, expulsion and suffering of the German minority in this Polish territory, which until 1918 belonged to Germany, continued. The French writer Pierre Valmigier in his book "And tomorrow? France, Germany and Poland" very correctly described the state of the then Poland (in German translation, the book was published in Berlin in 1929): "Does France know that Poland is not yet satisfied with 40% of foreigners, and that megalomania and kilometer-long madness have driven her to the point that she also wants to swallow Silesia from Beuten to Opole, all of Ukraine, Danzig and East Prussia? , books. Never before in history has the thirst for a foreign land been accompanied by such madness. And the peoples that have fallen under its occupation, it tyrannizes, insults and exhausts."

The Polish government systematically and purposefully carried out measures directed against the German population: The main weapon, agrarian reform, contributed to the fact that even before 1925, property was expropriated from 92% of German landowners and Poles were settled on the vacated lands. Even after the conclusion of the German-Polish treaty, expropriations still continued and the Germans were practically deprived of the opportunity to acquire landed property. Thus, from 1919 to 1939. German landowners have lost more than 500,000 hectares of land. The treatment of the German entrepreneurs was also very creative. German certificates and certificates were simply not recognized, and German applicants were barred from receiving state and municipal orders. German artisans were fired without giving any reason.

Where layoffs were due due to lack of work, German workers were the first to be laid off. For 10 years, Gratsinsky served as governor in Katowice. During his activity, 75% of the Germans and their families in Eastern Upper Silesia were deprived of any means of subsistence.

The boycott of German trade and shops owned by the Germans intensified. It reached its peak in 1937, when people were threatened with death if they did not follow the call "Do not buy anything from Germans and Jews." In front of the German shops they even posted sentries. In 1925, Mayer's lexicon under the heading "Germans Abroad" reported: "A huge number of Germans are moving to the German Reich, from Posen and Pomerania alone - more than 1.25 million people, but also from other areas, and especially from Upper Silesia" . It would not be an exaggeration to call this outcome a harbinger of the events that took place after 1945: the Germans were subjected to systematic expulsion from their homes. With particular rigidity, the Polish state approached German school education: all international guarantees and obligations of the victorious countries were not able to ensure compliance with the law on the protection of minorities. Of the 2000 German public schools, only a quarter remained by 1924, ten years later - only 1/10. To justify this by the lack of teaching staff, most of the teachers were expelled from the country immediately after 1919.

No less worse was the fate of the German churches and their ministers in the German areas under Polish rule. This was especially true of the Protestant church. After all, the Poles considered it an association of "heretics" and therefore the pastors were among the first to be expelled. Services were disrupted, and evangelical cemeteries were desecrated. Bullying of the German press was common. The Svobodnaya Pressa newspaper from Łódź was banned a total of about 10 times, and in order to be allowed again, it had to change its name each time. Here we should also mention the German Review published in Bromberg. Between 1920 and 1939, criminal proceedings were instituted against this newspaper 872 times. 546 times the newspaper was subject to confiscation. The editors were sentenced to a total of 6 years in prison and fined PLN 62,000.

Again and again real terrorist acts broke out against the Germans. After 1922, in Eastern Upper Silesia, over 4 years, about 40 attempts were made with the use of explosives against the Germans and their property. Moreover, the authorities responsible for criminal prosecution were inactive. Even then, there were isolated cases of Germans being killed, for example, just because they sang German songs. The beginning of the 1930s was marked by a new wave of terror. The Polish Western Association for the Protection of Brands even then demanded the "destruction" of the Germans. Terror (abuse, torture and even murder), carried out freely and with impunity by the Polish authorities, also claimed many thousands of human lives in subsequent years.

He reached his highest point in 1939. The British guarantees given to Poland contributed to the extraordinary intensification of excesses against the Germans. They became the first victims of the military policy of Beck, Halifax and Roosevelt, which subsequently led to the death of millions of people in various regions of our planet.

The Foreign Office in Berlin could present the huge number of incoming reports of excesses against the German minority in Poland.

Since March 1939, more than 1,500 documentary reports have been received, depicting a stunning picture of cruelty and human need. Between March and August 31, 1939, Polish newspapers, and especially the Cracow Illustrated Courier, reported on Poles' violations of the border, attacks on the German border areas, and that Hitler did not dare to do anything about it.

In the period from March to August 31, 1939, more than 200 violations of the border by the Polish military took place, which were accompanied by arson, murders and the forcible removal of German civilians. Until August 1939, over 70,000 Germans fled from the Polish terror to the Reich. The German "White Paper No. 2" (collection of documents) clearly records Polish abuses of this kind, as well as the results of German protests and measures taken. In document No. 396 there is a brief note on this matter: "Each time it turns out that the authorities themselves are the initiators of the liquidation process." Warsaw did not take any action to stop the bloody atrocities of the Polish semi-official patriotic associations, on whose conscience there were 5,000 dead Germans.

"In mid-August 1939, 75,535 Volksdeutsche (Germans not living in Germany) fled to the Reich. Shortly before and after the start of the war, a total of about 20,000 Volksdeutsche died in Poland, 12,500 of which were identified by name" (Seraphim, R. Maurach and G. Wolfrum: East of the Oder and Neisse, Hannover, 1949). These people were tortured, tormented, maimed and killed without any reason, without any court order - just because they were Germans. All of them fell victim to premeditated murder. Most of these killings were carried out by Polish soldiers, policemen and gendarmes. But also civilians, among them schoolboys and students took part in this massacre (Jan, Hans-Edgar: Pomeranian Passion, Pretz, 1964). The Polish newspaper "The Illustrated Courier" dated 08/07/1939 deliberately provoked the whole world with its reports of Polish attacks and border violations that took place weeks before the start of the war. From August 26 to August 31, 1939, 18 main customs posts and state police stations of the Reich (from Upper Silesia to East Prussia) reported on border incidents, provoked, as a rule, by Polish soldiers.

On August 24, 1939, two German passenger planes flying over the Baltic Sea were fired upon by Polish batteries stationed on the Hel Peninsula.

On August 25, 1939, after it became known about the signing of the so-called Hitler-Stalin pact, England and Poland urgently conclude an agreement on mutual assistance in order to finally exclude any possibility of further negotiations.

On August 29, 1939, the Reich government again expressed its readiness for negotiations and demanded the dispatch of a Polish truce. However, Warsaw does not respond. The Polish government urges its ambassador in Berlin, Lipski, not to accept any German proposals. 08/30/1939 Poland interrupts the railway communication between the Reich and East Prussia and announces a general mobilization. A German consul is killed in Krakow. 08/31/1939 In Dirschau, Poland blows up the bridge over the Vistula and thus blocks land communication with East Prussia. Testimony of witnesses after the end of the war: during the last two nights before September 1, 1939, the Poles fired mortars and light artillery on the large city of Beuthen and the large community of Bobrek-Karfa in Upper Silesia.

Thus Poland provoked Germany on a vast front in the last months and weeks before the start of the war. At that time, Hitler was talking about "Macedonian conditions" on the frontiers. The Reich government, foreign statesmen, politicians, as well as Pope Pius XII, in the last months, weeks and days before the start of the war, tried to save the world. Poland itself made the least effort to defuse tension. The impression was created that Poland was downright striving for an armed clash with Germany. This is also evidenced by numerous statements by the Polish political and military leadership.

But whenever Germany made encouraging proposals to resolve the conflict, England and Poland immediately rejected them. Since both of these countries, under the tutelage of US President Roosevelt, wanted to force the Germans into war, the incredible efforts of the German government, which did everything to prevent war, remained fruitless. In addition, Britain significantly complicated the possible diplomatic success in maintaining peace by issuing fatal unilateral guarantees to Poland on March 31, 1939. On August 29, 1939, Hitler made the last peace offer to Poland ("16 points"). The Swedish researcher Sven Hedin wrote on the pages of the confiscated evening edition of the Daily Telegraph, which published Hitler's 16-point proposal on August 31, 1939: that Poland did not even bother to acknowledge receipt of this offer can only be explained in the context of the facts known today, according to which she relied not only on her European friends England and France, but primarily counted on the support of the United States, of which Roosevelt, through his ambassador in Warsaw and Prague, assured her."

When, on August 31, 1939, the Polish ambassador Lipsky, who traveled constantly between Berlin, London and Warsaw and was impatiently expected in Berlin, finally appeared at 18.30 in the reception room of Foreign Minister Ribbentrop, the latter asked him: "Do you have the authority to negotiate German proposals?" . Having received a negative answer, Ribbentrop interrupted the audience. The French military historian Ferdinand Miksche writes about this: “The last proof of Poland’s unwillingness to negotiate with Germany was a secret telegram from the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs to his ambassador in Berlin, which was deciphered by German intelligence. The telegram contained instructions “under no circumstances to enter into business discussions ". Here is its literal text: "If the imperial government makes you oral or written proposals, you must declare that you have no authority to accept or discuss these proposals. " On August 31, 1939, at 21.15, the imperial radio announced the contents of the German proposal to Poland, providing him with the following comment: "So, for two days the Führer and the German imperial government waited in vain for the arrival of an authorized Polish mediator for negotiations. Under these circumstances, the German government assumes that its proposals have once again been practically rejected, although, in its opinion, in the form in which they were also transmitted to the British government, they are more than loyal, fair and feasible.

In its numerous proposals to Poland to start negotiations, the imperial government, for the sake of maintaining peace, was ready to abandon its claims to South Tyrol, Alsace-Lorraine, Eupen-Malmedy, Northern Schleswig, Yugoslav-occupied Lower Styria, Posen, West Prussia and Eastern Upper Silesia - territories, until 1914 belonged to Germany and Austria. Neither the Weimar government nor the German resistance with Stauffenberg (used today by politicians for their own purposes) were ready to recognize the German-Polish borders. Only one dictator Hitler was ready to cede to Poland in the territorial issue. He only wanted to return the city of Danzig and establish extraterritorial communication with East Prussia (so that German cargo would no longer be subjected to importunate customs control), cut off from the Reich by the Polish corridor.

The American historian, professor, Dr. David Hogan writes: "The leading American diplomat, William Bullitt, was also very pleased with the political turn of England in March 1939. He knew that President Roosevelt would have been delighted with any British pretext for starting a war in Europe. Therefore, on March 17 he sent a letter from Paris in which he triumphantly announced the impossibility of settling European disputes peacefully... On March 19, 1939, Julius Lukashevich and William Bullitt assured the Polish Foreign Minister Beck that President Roosevelt was ready to do everything in his power to push England and France with Germany ... After the end of the Second World War, the British Foreign Minister Halifax openly admitted that a military alliance with Poland in the situation at that time was absolutely necessary for unleashing a German-British war ... "(quoted from Hogan: Forced War, Tübingen, 1964, chapter 12).

So cynically and insidiously Lord Halifax, and behind his back Roosevelt "unleashed" the Second World War. At the same time, they absolutely did not think about the upcoming victims, because. it was to be expected that Germany would be defeated, and then, just as in 1918, it would again be possible to shift sole responsibility for this great war onto her. Therefore, here should be given an excerpt from the travel notes of a well-known politician, made by him during his stay in Germany in 1936. He objectively assessed Germany at that time, not suspecting what our military opponents would do to this country later, before and after 1945.

Former Prime Minister of England Lloyd George, in an interview with the Daily Express, said: “I have just returned from a trip to Germany. I saw the famous German Fuhrer and some of the big changes that he made. Whatever they say about him methods, and they are certainly not the methods of a parliamentary state, but there is no doubt that he made a wonderful revolution in the thinking of the German people. For the first time since the war, a general sense of security prevails in the country. People have become more cheerful. A mood of universal joy is spreading throughout the country. "This is a happier Germany... This miracle was performed by one person. Hitler freed his country from the fear of a repetition of that time of despair and humiliation, and in this way he gained undeniable authority in today's Germany. And this is not so much admiration for the people's leader, but the veneration of the people's hero, who brought his country out of a state of utter hopelessness and humiliation.He is the German George Washington, the man century, which returned to his country independence from all oppressors. The Norwegian Nobel laureate in literature Knut Hamsun wrote on May 7, 1945 in the newspaper Aftenposten: "Hitler was a reforming figure of the highest rank, and fate would have him act in a time of unparalleled cruelty, of which he fell victim in the end."

There were other statements, for example, Roosevelt and Churchill. In the 1936 Olympics, Churchill declared: "Whether he wants it or not, we will impose war on Hitler." In 1937, Churchill told Minister Ribbentrop: "When Germany becomes too strong, we will destroy her again!" Back in 1934, Roosevelt, speaking in the US Congress, announced: "There will be war with Germany ... Everything has already been carefully planned." Lord Halifax: "We are determined to throw on Hitler the entire responsibility for the conspiracy against peace" (quoted in Prof. Dr. Hogan: A Forced War, Tübingen, 1964).

On July 19, 1940, Hitler said in the Reichstag: "I am still sad today because, despite all my efforts, I have not been able to establish friendly relations with England, which, I think, would be happiness for both peoples." After the announcement of general mobilization and the rejection of generous German proposals, it became clear that Poland needed war, not peace. August 31, 1939, at 9:30 pm, Hitler signs Order No. 1: At dawn the next day, at 5:45 am, German troops will begin their attack on Poland. On September 1, Hitler announced in the Reichstag: "I have decided to speak to the Poles in the same language in which they speak to us..."

Discord is a consequence of injustice, not war, but peace begins only with the restoration of justice. One can, of course, say that Germany, despite all the dirty tricks on the Polish side, still should not have allowed itself to be provoked. However, the one who commits the injustice is always to blame, and not the one who cannot or does not want to endure it anymore. Even at the very beginning of the war that began on September 1, 1939, literally a few hours later, the first peace proposal of the imperial government was transmitted through the adviser to the German embassy in London, Dr. Fritz Hesse. In the following months, the German leadership made a number of other peace proposals (during the 18-day Polish campaign alone, 7 were made), but all of them were rejected by the opposing side and finally lost their relevance after Hess's flight to Scotland and the allies' demand for Germany's "unconditional surrender" . In total, more than 50 serious attempts at a peaceful settlement were made by the then imperial government, some European monarchs, churches and, from 1943, also by the German resistance. But they all failed because of the militant North Atlantic gods of war. The desire and readiness for peace on one side and, on the contrary, the desire for war on the other, convincingly prove who wanted the war, who finally unleashed it and who wanted to wage it until the complete annihilation of the German people.

On September 3, 1939, England and France, under pressure from the United States, declared war on Germany in order to destroy it again. At the same time, they were not at all embarrassed by the fact that they actually defended the terrible Polish terror and the sowing discord of the Treaty of Versailles, as well as the fact that they extended the German-Polish war to the whole world.

Harry Barnes, an American professor of history, wrote in 1961: "The ultimate responsibility for the outbreak of the German-Polish war lay with Poland and England, the latter also responsible for the escalation of this conflict into a European war ... He (Hitler), for his part , offered Poland the maximum possible concessions, such that no government of the Weimar Republic would ever agree to, namely, to guarantee the inviolability of the Polish border established by the Treaty of Versailles.In fact, not England, but Germany in 1938/39 offered Poland bona fide (good faith) guarantee".

The world-famous British military historian Liddell Hart wrote on September 3, 1949 in the magazine "Picture Post": "Hitler wanted anything, but not war. ... After the war, many German archives fell into our hands, and appeared before us an accurate picture of the total fear of war that prevailed in leading German circles ... The sudden political reversal of England made war inevitable.

In September 1939, the Soviet Union also sent its troops to Poland, but at the same time, England and France did not declare war on it. This proves that the Allies were not interested in Poland, which they sacrificed without hesitation, but in Germany, for the destruction of which this war was started. After the end of the 18-day German-Polish war, a victory parade is held in Warsaw. However, in Paris (1940), Hitler forbids such a parade. According to him, he does not want to offend the feelings of the enemy. But for now, he's on his way to Danzig to formalize the return of this old German city. Danzig is literally drowning in a sea of ​​flowers. The joy of people who have finally freed themselves from Polish pressure knows no bounds. The next day, October 6, Hitler delivers a speech in the Reichstag that has become known as a peace proposal addressed to England and France. He ends his appeal with the following words: “I did not put forward demands against France. On the contrary, I expressed the desire that both nations with a great historical past forever renounce enmity and finally find a way to each other. I did everything in order to eradicate in to the German people the idea of ​​an unchanging sworn enmity and to sow in its place the seeds of respect for the great achievements of the French people and their history ... I spent no less effort in relation to the German-English friendship. I felt it as the goal of my whole life - to bring both peoples closer not only on a rational level, but also on an emotional level... No, this war in the West will not solve anyone's problems, except that it can fix the shattered finances of some military industrialists and newspaper owners or some other international businessmen profiting from the war. I think that there is not a single responsible European statesman who, in the depths of his soul, would not wish the happiness of his people. the word will be taken by the leaders of those peoples who share my point of view. And those who see the best solution in war, let me reject my outstretched hand."

If Hitler were just a crazy jerk, eliminating him would not have required driving 50 million people to their deaths and bringing disaster to even more. And one more thing: if the allies believed that it was impossible to negotiate with him, then they would certainly have attempted to conduct them, if only in order to provide themselves with an alibi. But no, they were afraid that the second war of extermination, unleashed by them with such difficulty, could end without destroying Germany. Whoever rejects peace proposals bears full responsibility for all the destruction and horrors of war. It seemed that the leading politicians of the Western democracies were indifferent to the fact that every day millions of people suffered and thousands died. After the war, Churchill even said in Potsdam that he could make peace with Hitler at any time. The Western powers did not seek to eliminate Hitler personally or his system: it was important for them to destroy the economic and political power of the German people. They would have fought in exactly the same way against a strong, democratic Germany. Therefore, the German resistance to Hitler looked in vain for support in England. Poland played the role of Judas, dragging Germany into a big, exterminating war. She not only herself is to blame for all the troubles that the Second World War brought her, but also shares the blame for all the grief and destruction that befell Germany as a result. With its undisguised terror, Poland forced Germany to the necessary defense (1939), thus drawing it into a big war, so desired by Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin. This was done in order to later be able to seize large chunks of German territory from Germany. Back in 1938, the Polish Foreign Minister Beck told K.Ya. Burckhardt: "This is the game in which Poland expects to win the most." The Warsaw "Despatch" dated 20.08.1939 wrote: "In a future war such rivers of German blood will be shed, which the world has not seen since the day of its creation."

Translation by Igor Dumler

The reason for the entry of Great Britain and France into World War II was the invasion of Poland by Nazi troops on September 1, 1939. French and British troops were supposed to provide Warsaw with direct military assistance, but limited themselves to a small operation in western Germany.

The passivity of France and Great Britain was called by contemporaries the "Strange War". In Paris and London, they preferred not to provoke the Germans, hoping that Adolf Hitler would deploy his army to the east. The war against Moscow really began, but a year before the invasion of the USSR, the Wehrmacht occupied about 70% of French territory and prepared a plan for landing on the southern coast of Great Britain.

Humiliated and insulted

The topic of responsibility for the outbreak of World War II is perhaps the most relevant in Russian and foreign historiography. In the West, it is customary to lay most of the blame on the Soviet state, which allegedly colluded with Hitler in August 1939 (the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact).

Domestic historians, on the contrary, tend to blame Great Britain and France for the rise of Germany. Russian researchers draw attention to the obvious attempts of London and Paris to appease the Nazi regime by satisfying its territorial appetites in Eastern Europe.

At the same time, Russian and foreign historians agree that the growth of Germany's power became possible due to events that changed the national identity of the German people. We are talking about an unprecedented rise in revanchist sentiment after the lost World War I.

On June 28, 1919, the Treaty of Versailles was signed, which included many restrictions for Berlin. Germany was deprived of part of its own territories, all colonies, sources of industrial development and combat-ready armed forces.

Berlin was forced to give France Alsace-Lorraine, rich in coal and steel, a number of northern and eastern lands departed to Poland and Czechoslovakia, and the Saar region came under the control of the League of Nations for 15 years.

The German ground forces were limited to 100,000 troops. Also, the Germans almost completely lost the navy. But the most enslaving condition was the obligation to pay billions in reparations to the victorious powers - compensation for losses during the war.

France was an ardent supporter of the most severe sanctions against Germany. Paris sought to get rid of a key geopolitical competitor and potential military adversary.

Great Britain remained true to the course of maintaining the balance of power in the Old World and was not interested in enslaving Germany. However, in the process of negotiations, London agreed to most of the French initiatives.

• Hitler's visit to occupied Poland, 1939
• Wikimedia Commons

In 1919, the Weimar Republic was formed on the ruins of the Kaiser regime. However, the democratic regime lasted less than 15 years in Germany. Playing on the desire of the Germans to find a decent life, in 1933 Adolf Hitler appeared on the political Olympus.

Lesser evil

The system of international relations created as a result of the Treaty of Versailles eliminated two major players from the game: Germany and the young Soviet Republic. International isolation predetermined the political, trade and economic rapprochement of the two states in the 1920s.

With the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, Soviet-German relations deteriorated significantly. On November 25, 1936, Germany and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact against the spread of communist ideology.

Western countries looked with apprehension at the growing Soviet power and saw the lesser evil in the Hitler regime. Apparently, France and Great Britain counted on the fact that the strengthening of Germany would make it possible to contain the “communist threat”.

• The entry of German troops into the demilitarized Rhineland
• Wikimedia Commons

Hitler skillfully used fears in relation to the USSR. In 1936, in violation of the Locarno Treaty of 1925, Berlin sent troops into the Rhine demilitarized zone. In 1938, with the consent of France and Great Britain, the Nazi leader annexed his native Austria and the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia.

In early 1939, Berlin made territorial claims to Poland. Hitler demanded the return of the "Polish Corridor" - the lands that separated Germany and East Prussia. In response, Warsaw concluded an agreement on a military alliance with Great Britain and confirmed France's readiness to give a joint rebuff to German aggression.

Hitler could not help but realize that the occupation of Poland would turn into an armed conflict with the guarantors of the Treaty of Versailles and, possibly, the Soviet Union, which claimed the eastern Polish territories (Western Ukraine and Western Belarus) taken from him in 1921.

In the spring of 1939, Berlin unexpectedly softened its rhetoric against Moscow. The result of non-public negotiations was the Non-Aggression Pact signed on August 23 and the secret protocol on the division of Poland and spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

On September 1, 1939, after a Nazi provocation in the city of Gleiwitz, the Wehrmacht invaded Western Poland. On September 17, Soviet troops entered the eastern part of the country.

Fatal pause

There is a strong belief in Polish society that the next division of their state in 1939 could have been avoided. Franco-British troops could deliver a powerful blow to western Germany, forcing the Nazi army to return to the barracks. Seeing the determination of the Western powers, the Soviet Union would also have abandoned the "aggressive plans".

It is worth recognizing that the Polish point of view is based on quite weighty arguments. In the summer of 1939, the balance of power was in favor of France and Great Britain.

Near the German border, the Allies held 48 divisions against 42 divisions of the Third Reich. Also, the French Air Force significantly outnumbered the German aviation in terms of numbers (3.3 thousand aircraft versus 1.2 thousand). Poland's western allies had advanced weapons at the time, and France had the fourth largest tank army in the world.

In August 1939, the most combat-ready motorized units of Germany were transferred to the east - the Wehrmacht could not resist the Franco-British troops in the event of a large-scale offensive. In addition, Berlin did not have time to complete the Siegfried Line - a network of defensive fortifications in the west of the country.

On September 7, 1939, the French army crossed the German border and captured more than ten settlements. However, in five days of hostilities, Poland's ally managed to break through only 32 km deep into German territory. On September 12, the French command canceled the offensive operation.

Before the entry of the French troops, the Wehrmacht, deprived of the opportunity to offer real resistance, mined the border strip. As the French advanced, the German army carried out sudden maneuvers and launched counterattacks. On September 16-17, the Nazis returned all the lost territories.

The French command considered the position of Poland hopeless and continued to strengthen the Maginot defensive line.

• French soldiers on the Maginot Line
• Wikimedia Commons

Great Britain actually refused military aid to Warsaw. Additional kingdom forces appeared on the German border only in mid-October 1939, when Nazi soldiers marched through Warsaw.

The striking reluctance of France and Great Britain to "disturb the enemy" caused surprise among contemporaries. The war declared by the Nazis was called "strange" in the Western press. Hiding behind the Maginot Line, the French placidly watched as the German army was reinforced by new forces.

Paris hoped that the Wehrmacht would not be able to overcome the defensive outpost on the border.

After the capture of Poland, Germany took advantage of the pause provided to strengthen offensive capabilities. In May 1940, the Nazi army struck France through neutral Belgium and Holland, thus bypassing the Maginot line from the north. Under the onslaught of the Nazis, the French army held out for just over a month and capitulated on June 22, 1940.

The result of a short-sighted policy

After the fall of France, Great Britain was threatened with invasion. On July 16, 1940, Hitler approved a plan for a landing operation called "Sea Lion". During the blitzkrieg, the Nazis were supposed to defeat the main forces of the British and surround London.

However, Hitler, having weighed all the risks, decided to deploy the victorious army towards the USSR. It is believed that the Nazi leader made this decision in the autumn of 1940. On December 18, 1940, Hitler signed Directive No. 21, which spelled out the directions of attacks on the Soviet Union.

Thanks to the occupation of France, Germany almost doubled its industrial base and increased the output of military products. From the middle of 1940, the most high-tech enterprises in Europe worked for the German military machine.

The above facts testify that the strengthening of the Hitler regime inside Germany and its rise on the world stage was, first of all, the result of the short-sighted policy of Paris and London after the First World War.

In the 1920s, the Western powers tried to destroy the German army and economy, thereby reinforcing revanchist and radical sentiments in German society. The humiliated nation complex created the conditions for the far-right National Socialist Party, led by Adolf Hitler, to come to power.

At the same time, in the second half of the 1930s, when there was a real need to take tough measures against Berlin, Great Britain and France decided to ignore Hitler's aggressive plans, hoping that he would turn his eyes on the hated communist state.

appeasing the aggressor

Professor of the Higher School of Economics, Doctor of Historical Sciences Alexei Plotnikov believes that the events of September 1939 were the logical finale of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor”, which violated the elementary norms of international law.

“Closing their eyes to Hitler's expansion, the Allies thought that he would attack the Soviet Union and leave them alone. Here it makes sense to quote Churchill: “A peacemaker is someone who feeds a crocodile, hoping that the crocodile will eat him last,” Plotnikov said in a commentary to RT.

• German soldiers inspect captured tanks
• Wikimedia Commons

The expert noted that in recent years, attempts have again intensified to rewrite history, shift the existing accents and "in a sense, falsify the circumstances and causes of the outbreak of World War II."

“In my opinion, the war began in March 1939, when Germany annexed Klaipeda from Lithuania with the tacit consent of the major powers. In the spring and summer of 1939, the Soviet Union made an attempt to create an anti-Hitler coalition, but it was sabotaged by the actions of England and France, ”said Plotnikov.

In his opinion, in September 1939, France and Great Britain had an excellent opportunity to discourage Hitler from continuing such an aggressive policy. But in the end, a short-sighted, non-pragmatic approach led to the surrender of France, the bombing of British cities and the attack on the USSR.

“However, Poland is also to blame for those events,” the expert added. Poland had the illusion that it was a great ally of Germany. And most importantly, Warsaw refused the Soviet Union the passage of troops through its territory to help Poland itself and prevent war. Misunderstanding that the crocodile is what he is and the crocodile, that he will definitely eat you, turned out to be fatal.

Within two days of the German invasion on September 1, 1939 (see the article Germany's attack on Poland, 1939), France and Great Britain fulfilled their obligations to Poland and declared war on Germany. Mussolini, who was not ready for war, while he was content with the role of a spectator. Stalin, having signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler, was waiting for the right moment to get the eastern part of Poland stipulated in it for the USSR, but for this he needed the Germans to destroy as many Polish soldiers as possible. The United States has so far pursued a policy of isolationism, maintaining neutrality.

Unlike in 1914, Hitler now did not have to fear a Russian strike. Nevertheless, he realized that he had to deal with Poland as soon as possible, so that he would then be able to deliver a crushing blow to the British-French forces in the west. That is why, back in the mid-thirties, a plan was developed in Germany " blitzkrieg”, i.e. lightning war.

The concept of such a war was based on the idea of ​​​​assault troops - a tactic that in late 1917 and early 1918 brought Germany success and helped break the stalemate of trench warfare. In addition, the Germans took into account the successful actions of the French and British tank formations. The Germans created fast tanks that were supposed to lead the offensive. German strategists also appreciated the effectiveness of joint actions of aviation with ground forces. For this purpose, the Junkers-87 dive bomber was created. These aircraft were increasingly used as air support for tanks. On the basis of a combination of such components, the Germans planned to wage war at an unprecedentedly fast pace, inflicting swift blows on the enemy, breaking through his defenses, rushing far inland, dismembering the enemy groupings and creating "cauldrons", which then had to liquidate the infantry advancing behind the tank divisions.

The Polish army, not inferior to the German one in numbers, was equipped with a relatively small number of tanks and aircraft, and even those were outdated models. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia by the Germans increased the length of the Polish border, which was under threat. The need to protect its new areas led to a strong dispersal of forces. The Poles hoped for the stamina and courage of their soldiers, and also for the fact that Great Britain and France would not be slow to attack Germany from the west.

Blitzkrieg. German-Polish War 1939

Soon the blitzkrieg machine was running at full speed, and the German troops were in the depths of Poland. German aircraft attacked airfields, communication centers, bridges, and reserve formations. German tanks quickly broke through the Polish defenses, creating "cauldrons", which led to heavy losses in killed and captured. However, the Poles fiercely resisted. More than once their cavalry went to the enemy tanks. Nevertheless, the Germans approached the capital of Poland, Warsaw, within a few days.

The hopes of the Poles that the Western allies would distract the enemy quickly faded. On the German-French border began the so-called " strange war". True, the French launched an offensive with limited objectives in the Saar, but their troops advanced only as far as they could be covered by cannons. Maginot lines. They did not even think about storming the German fortifications of the so-called "Western Wall". British troops had just begun to land in France and were completely unprepared for offensive operations.

Nevertheless, the Poles were determined to stand at the walls of Warsaw to the end and rejected the German offer to surrender the city. Then the entire power of the Luftwaffe fell upon the Polish capital, as if confirming the fears that modern warfare is primarily a massive bombing of cities. But even here the Poles did not flinch.

The last hopes of the Poles were crushed on September 17, 1939, when The Red Army entered Poland from the east. Two days later, she met with German units in Brest, where in March 1918 Russia and Germany signed a disgraceful for the communist Council of People's Commissars Brest Peace.

The Polish government emigrated to Romania, where, under pressure from Stalin, it was interned. However, the fighting continued. Warsaw fell only on September 27, and even then after the aircraft had thoroughly bombed the city. The remnants of the Polish army retreated to Hungary and Romania, and then, after long adventures, moved to France, where they were created Free Polish Army. A Polish government-in-exile was also established in Paris, headed by General Vladislav Sikorsky.

It was not until October 5, 1939 that the last Polish groups ceased resistance, and Poland's twenty years of independence came to an end. Now the Germans focused on the persecution of the Jews with the help of units SS. The Soviet leadership, having again conquered eastern Poland for itself, began the extermination of the Polish intelligentsia in order to exclude the possibility of the revival of an independent Poland hostile to the USSR. Those arrested were either sent to Siberia or shot, as happened in the infamous Katyn forest(Smolensk region), where in the spring of 1940 more than four thousand Polish officers were destroyed. The Germans discovered the mass grave sites three years later and brought in neutral experts to conduct a medical examination before reburialing the remains. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union stubbornly continued to accuse the Germans of committing this crime and admitted its guilt only fifty years later. The Katyn massacre was not the only one. Polish servicemen and intellectuals were also shot in Ostashkovsky (Kalinin region), Starobelsk (Voroshilovgrad region) and other camps of the NKVD, so that the total number of victims was about 22 thousand.