Until 1812, the reformist direction of the activities of Alexander I was clearer. From 1801 to 1803 he relied on the recommendations of his “young friends”, members of the Secret Committee (A.A. M.M. became the closest adviser to the emperor. Speransky. After the war, Alexander I began to withdraw from political activity, became interested in mysticism, fell into a deep depression. A significant role at the court at that time was played by A.A. Arakcheev. Although during this period some reform measures can be traced.

In the reform projects of M.M. Speransky reflected especially popular in the light of the Great French Revolution and constitutional ideas. Speransky planned: 1) to form the country's parliament - the State Duma; 2) apply the principle of separation of powers (into legislative, judicial, executive); 3) apply the principle of electivity in the formation of government bodies (while limiting the electoral right to a property qualification); 4) grant the right to everyone in the country to acquire real estate and, as property accumulates, to receive broader political rights; 5) to preserve the rights of legislative initiative and dissolution of the State Duma for the tsar.

According to M.M. Speransky, the implementation of his plan was to expand the social base of the monarchy, significantly strengthen the rule of law in the country, while retaining all the basic powers in the hands of the tsar. These transformations, according to the reformer, were to be introduced gradually. But of all the diversity of Speransky's ideas, only one was realized - in 1810 was created State Council, although in the future this body did not develop at all the way the reformer himself intended. The Council of State was a legislative body that was intended to become a link between the emperor and other branches of government. One of the provisions adopted at that time was aimed at ensuring that an official career was linked to the presence of a university degree. Most of the nobles saw this as a threat to their privileged position and began to oppose the liberal project of M.M. Speransky. The most famous critic of the reforms was the writer and historian N.M. Karamzin. In a note "On Ancient and New Russia", which he sent to the tsar, he insisted on the need to preserve the old order: autocracy and serfdom.

At the request of the conservative nobility in 1812, Speransky was exiled. At the same time, after the war, new provinces of Russia received constitutions: Poland and Finland.

Thus, the measures taken by Alexander I to transform the socio-political structure of the country did not lead to significant changes.

In 1811 g. ministries were transformed, namely, their functions and structure were clarified. These measures made it possible to complete the formation of the administrative machine of the Russian Empire.

4. The main directions of Russian foreign policy (1801-1812)

The main foreign policy task of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century remained containment of French expansion in Europe... Paul I's attempt to achieve this by rapprochement with France while breaking off relations with England was unsuccessful.

On June 5, 1801, Russia and England concluded a convention on mutual friendship, directed against France. In August 1804, Russia broke off relations with France. By July 1805, formed third anti-French coalition(England, Russia, Austria, Sweden).

Abandoning the landing in England, Napoleon transferred his troops to Central Europe. First, he defeated the Austrian troops in the battle at Ulm on October 8, 1805, and then the Russian-Austrian army at Austerlitz on November 20, 1805.

Actions fourth anti-French coalition, where Prussia took the place of Austria, were also unsuccessful. The defeat of the Prussian troops at Jena and Auerstedt on October 2, 1806 and the defeat of the Russian army at Friedland on June 2, 1807, forced Alexander I to sign a peace treaty with Napoleon at Tilsit on June 25, 1807. Under the terms of the treaty, the Duchy of Warsaw was formed near the borders of Russia, which was under the influence of France. Russia joined the continental blockade of England. The protracted wars between Russia and Iran and Turkey played a significant role in the signing of the treaty.

Russian-Iranian war due to disputed territories began in 1804. During the 1804-1806 campaign, Russia occupied the khanates north of the Araks River (Baku, Kuba, Ganja, Derbent and others). The transfer of these possessions to Russia was enshrined in the Gulistan Peace Treaty, concluded on October 12, 1813.

In December 1806, the Turkish sultan, supported by Napoleon, declared war on Russia in order to seize the Crimea and Georgia. In 1807, Russian troops repelled the Turkish offensive in the Danube principalities and the Caucasus. The Black Sea Fleet under the command of Admiral Senyavin won a victory in the Dardanelles and Athos naval battles. Russia also rendered assistance to Serbia, which had rebelled against the Turks.

War with Turkey dragged on, since the main forces of the Russian army were located on the western border. In 1811 M.I.Kutuzov was appointed commander of the Danube army. After a successful operation by Russian troops (15 thousand people against 60 thousand) near Ruschuk, Turkey surrendered in December 1811. According to the Bucharest Peace Treaty of May 16, 1812, Bessarabia, Abkhazia and part of Georgia were annexed to Russia. Turkey recognized Serbia's right to internal self-government.

Taking advantage of the post-Tilsit situation, Alexander I began war with Sweden... On the night of 8-9 February 1808, the Russian corps under the command of Buxgewden (24 thousand people) crossed the border with Finland. After prolonged hostilities, Russia, according to the Friedrichsgam Peace Treaty (September 5, 1809), included Finland as a Grand Duchy with internal self-government.

Tilsit agreements put Russia in international isolation without stopping French expansion. Russia's accession to the continental blockade of England had a negative impact on Russian foreign trade and finances. Economic relations between Russia and France were poorly developed. In December 1810, Russia violated the continental blockade.

Napoleon's aggression in the German lands, his intrigues in the Duchy of Warsaw and other actions were openly directed against Russia. The interests of the two powers also clashed in the Middle East. The aggravation of internal problems in France also pushed Napoleon to war with Russia.

5. Patriotic War of 1812
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6. Foreign campaigns of the Russian army and the Vienna Congress.

By the spring of 1813, a significant part of Poland had been liberated from Napoleonic troops. The Russian army under the command of M.I. Kutuzov entered the territory of Prussia. The Prussian king, who feared Napoleon like fire, insisted on continuing the alliance with him. But the Prussian army announced the cessation of hostilities against the Russian troops. A popular movement against the occupiers unfolded throughout Germany. Partisan detachments were operating in the rear of the French troops.

In February 1813 Russia and Prussia signed an alliance agreement, and then the French were expelled from Berlin. Napoleon, however, gathered a new army, outnumbering the troops operating against him. In April, Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov died. After that, the Russian-Prussian troops suffered a series of defeats. There was a pause in hostilities and a diplomatic struggle unfolded.

The uncompromising Napoleonic diplomacy was unable to prevent the formation of a new anti-French coalition consisting of Russia, England, Prussia, Austria and Sweden. In October 1813, the grandiose Battle of Leipzig ("Battle of the Nations") took place. More than half a million people participated on both sides. Napoleon was defeated, but due to the lack of coordination of the actions of the allies, he managed to get out of the encirclement. In late 1813 - early 1814, the allied armies entered the territory of France. Paris surrendered on March 18 (30).

Napoleon was exiled to Fr. Elbe in the Mediterranean. But a year later he unexpectedly returned to France and entered Paris without a single shot. This time, his reign lasted only one hundred days. In June 1815, in a battle in the potato fields near the village of Waterloo in Belgium, he was decisively defeated by the combined forces of the British, Dutch and Prussian armies.

In 1814, a congress was convened in Vienna to resolve the issue of the post-war structure of Europe. Representatives of 216 European states gathered in the Austrian capital, but the main role played by Russia, England and Austria. The Russian delegation was headed by Alexander I.

The victory of the peoples of Europe over the tyranny of Napoleon was used by European rulers to restore the former monarchies. But serfdom, swept away in a number of countries during the Napoleonic wars, proved impossible to restore.

Under the Vienna agreements, a significant part of Poland, together with Warsaw, became part of Russia. Alexander I presented Poland with a constitution and convened a Diet.

In 1815, when the congress ended, the Russian, Prussian and Austrian monarchs signed an agreement on the Holy Alliance. They committed themselves to ensuring that congressional decisions are not compromised. Subsequently, most of the European monarchs joined the union. In 1818-1822. congresses of the Holy Alliance were regularly convened. England did not join the union, but actively supported it.

The post-Napoleonic order of the world, carried out on a conservative basis, turned out to be fragile. Some of the restored feudal-aristocratic regimes soon began to burst at the seams. The sacred union was active only for the first 8-10 years, and then actually disintegrated. Nevertheless, the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Union cannot be assessed only negatively. They also had a positive meaning, providing for several years universal peace in Europe, exhausted by the nightmare of continuous wars.

After the Napoleonic invasion, a long alienation arose between Russia and France. Only by the end of the 19th century. relations warmed, and then rapprochement began. In 1912, Russia widely celebrated the centenary of the Patriotic War. On August 26, a parade took place on the Borodino field. Wreaths were laid at the monument at the Rayevsky battery, at the grave of Bagration. Near the village of Gorki, where the command post of the Russian troops was located, a monument to Kutuzov was unveiled. A French military delegation took part in the celebrations. On a hill near the village of Shevardina, from where Napoleon led the battle, an obelisk was erected in memory of the French soldiers and officers who died in the fields of Russia. So, a hundred years later, reconciliation took place. For the peoples cannot and should not forever hold a grudge against each other.

7. Domestic policy of Alexander I after the Patriotic War (1815-1825). Arakcheev.

After graduation Patriotic War of 1812 the need for changes in the sphere of socio-economic relations and the state system became obvious. After the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) became the "king of Poland", Alexander I presented his new subjects with the most liberal constitution in Europe. At the opening of the Polish Sejm in 1818, he promised to extend freedom to all territories under his control.

Secret work began on the creation of the Russian constitution. Its author was N.N. Novosiltsev is one of the "young friends" of the emperor, who supported the future tsar even before accession to the throne. The text of the constitution was written by 1820.

The "charter letter" limited autocratic arbitrariness, but retained the dominant position of autocracy in all areas of public life. But the first constitution in the history of Russia was not promulgated. Alexander 1 also abandoned plans to abolish serfdom. The implementation of the reforms was hampered by strong resistance from the bulk of the Russian nobility.

The revolutionary events in Italy and Spain, the unrest of the soldiers of the Semyonovsky regiment in Russia put an end to Alexander I's hesitation in choosing the forms and methods of government, leading him to a policy of absolutism and reaction.

In the second half of his reign, Alexander 1 ruled with the hands of his assistant, the general A.A. Arakcheeva... In order to reduce the expenses of the treasury for the maintenance of the army, Arakcheev created settlements in which, in addition to military hardships, drills and strict discipline, the peasants were forced to engage in farming for their maintenance. This was the worst form of serfdom.

The Patriotic War of 1812, its results, victorious foreign campaigns created a patriotic upsurge in the army and civil society. A long stay in Europe acquainted the advanced circles of Russian officers with ideological currents.

The philosophy of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution against the background of Russian feudal reality served as the reasons for the emergence of the ideology of the Decembrist movement.

Returning after the liberation mission from Europe to Russia oppressed by serfdom and Arakcheevism, the progressive-minded officers formed the Union of Salvation. The organization, numbering 30-50 people, had as its goal the abolition of serfdom and the introduction of a constitution in Russia. The participants and organizers of this society understood their weakness, the small number of members of the organization and the lack of funds to implement their plans.

In 1818 the Union of Salvation was renamed the Union of Welfare. A struggle for public opinion began, anti-serfdom ideas were promoted. According to the charter of the organization, each of its members was obliged to choose one of four areas for their practical activities: participation in the activities of charitable societies; education; justice; public economy.

In 1820, Alexander 1 began to pursue a reactionary policy, and the open propaganda of the ideas of the Union of Welfare, as well as its very existence, became dangerous. In January 1821 the society was dissolved.

Instead of the "Union of Welfare" in 1821-1822. two secret alliances were formed, which were of a direct revolutionary character.

The Northern Society was headed by the Muravyov brothers, Prince S.P. Trubetskoy, N.I. Turgenev, Prince E.P. Obolensky, poet K.F. Ryleev.

"Southern Society" was formed in Ukraine in the city of Tulchin. It was headed by Colonel P.I. Pestel. An energetic and ambitious man, he preached extreme revolutionary tactics based on terror, up to the destruction of the entire imperial family. General S.G. Volkonsky, A.P. Yushnevsky, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M. A. Bestuzhev.

The "Society of United Slavs" had the goal of creating a federal republic of all Slavic peoples.

8. The first secret organizations of the Decembrists. Northern and Southern Societies of the Decembrists.

Formation of the ideology of Decembrism. "Decembrist movement"- a revolutionary movement of progressively minded noble officers, aimed at a radical change in the political and social order in the country: the overthrow of the autocracy, the abolition of serfdom

The reasons for its origin- patriotic upsurge in 1812, acquaintance of the nobles during foreign campaigns 1813-1814 biennium with the orders in Western Europe, where there was no serfdom, the philosophy of the Enlightenment and its spread in Russia - the activities of N.I. Novikov and A.N. Radishchev, the specifics of the international situation - the revolution in Europe in the early 1820s).
"Union of prosperity"(1818 -1821) totaled more than 200 members. Its goals were the same as those of the Union of Salvation, but the methods changed: in addition to influencing public opinion, a policy of infiltrating the power apparatus was carried out, as well as the organization of self-education schools for soldiers in order to educate them in an opposition spirit (Lancaster schools). V 1821 split into Yuzhnoe and Northern Society.

9. The uprising of the Decembrists and its results.
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10. Nicholas I: values, views, attitudes.

Emperor Nicholas 1 was born on June 25 (July 6) 1796. He was the third son Paul 1 and Maria Feodorovna. Received a good education, but did not recognize the humanities. He was well versed in the art of war and fortification. He had a good command of engineering. However, despite this, the king was not loved in the army. Severe corporal punishment and coldness led to the fact that the nickname of Nicholas 1 "Nikolai Palkin" was fixed in the soldier's environment.

In 1817 Nikolai married the Prussian princess Frederick Louise Charlotte Wilhelmina.

Alexandra Feodorovna, the wife of Nicholas 1, possessing amazing beauty, became the mother of the future emperor Alexandra 2.

Nicholas 1 ascended the throne after the death of his elder brother Alexander 1. Constantine, the second contender for the throne, renounced his rights while his elder brother was still alive. Nicholas 1 did not know about this and first swore allegiance to Constantine. Later this short period will be called the Interregnum. Although the manifesto on the accession to the throne of Nicholas 1 was issued on December 13 (25), 1825, legally the reign of Nicholas 1 began on November 19 (December 1). And the very first day was darkened the uprising of the Decembrists on Senate Square, which was suppressed, and the leaders were executed in 1826. But Tsar Nicholas 1 saw the need to reform the social system. He decided to give the country clear laws, while relying on the bureaucracy, since the credibility of the nobility was undermined.

The internal policy of Nicholas I was distinguished by extreme conservatism. The slightest manifestation of free thought was suppressed. He defended the autocracy with all his might. The secret office under the leadership of Benckendorff was engaged in political investigations. After the publication of the censorship charter in 1826, all printed publications with the slightest political overtones were banned. Russia under Nicholas 1 rather strongly resembled the country of the era Arakcheeva.

The reforms of Nicholas 1 were notable for their limitations. The legislation was streamlined. Under the direction of Speransky the release of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire began. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants. Peasants were given land when they moved to uninhabited areas, medical posts were built in villages, innovations in agricultural technology were introduced. But the introduction of innovations took place by force and caused sharp discontent. In 1839 - 1843. a financial reform was also carried out, which established the ratio between the silver ruble and the banknote. But the question of serfdom remained unresolved.

The foreign policy of Nicholas 1 pursued the same goals as the domestic policy. During the reign of Nicholas 1, Russia fought against the revolution not only within the country, but also outside its borders. In 1826 - 1828. as a result of the Russian-Iranian war, Armenia was annexed to the territory of the country. Nicholas 1 condemned the revolutionary processes in Europe. In 1849 he sent Paskevich's army to suppress the Hungarian revolution. In 1853 Russia joined Crimean war... But, following the results of the Paris Peace, concluded in 1856, the country lost the right to have a fleet and fortresses on the Black Sea, and lost South Moldova. The failure undermined the health of the king. Nicholas 1 died on March 2 (February 18), 1855 in St. Petersburg, and his son, Alexander 2, ascended the throne.

11. Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century: strengthening of conservative tendencies.

In the second half of the 19th century, the Russian Empire was the leading world state in terms of population. The total number, as of 1897, was more than 125 million, which exceeded the total population of Germany, England and France.

Russian liberalism as an official political course was formed during the reign of Alexander I. “Observing Alexander I,” wrote A.O. Klyuchevsky, “we are witnessing a whole epoch of not only Russian, but also European history, because it is difficult to find another historical person who would meet so many different influences of the Europe of that time”.

The tyrannical rule of Paul I caused sharp discontent in the circles of the nobility, whose interests were greatly infringed upon. Moreover, with the unpredictable behavior of Paul I, no one could feel safe. Already by the middle of 1800. A conspiracy arose against Paul, which was first led by Vice-Chancellor N.P. Panin, and after his exile - the Petersburg military governor P.A. Palen. On the night of March 12, 1801, a group of guards officers from among the conspirators infiltrated the Mikhailovsky Castle without hindrance and finished off Paul. Paul's eldest son, Alexander, ascended the throne.

Alexander was the beloved grandson of Catherine II, who herself directed his upbringing. She invited the best teachers and, among them, F.Ts. Laharpe is a highly educated enlightener and Republican in outlook. In his post of "chief educator" he was under Alexander for 11 years. Introducing his pupil to the concept of "natural" equality of people, talking with him about the advantages of the republican form of government, about political and civil freedom, about the "common good" to which the ruler should strive, Laharpe carefully avoided the realities of serf Russia. Mainly, he was engaged in the moral education of his student. Subsequently, Alexander I said that he owed everything that was good to him to Laharpe. But a more effective school for the upbringing of the future emperor was the conditions and atmosphere that surrounded him from his earliest childhood - the hostile "large court" of Catherine II in St. Petersburg and the "small court" of father Pavel Petrovich in Gatchina.

The need to maneuver between them taught Alexander, R.O. Klyuchevsky "to live on two minds, to keep two pedigree faces", developed in him secrecy, distrust of people and caution. Possessing an extraordinary mind, refined manners and, according to his contemporaries, "an innate gift of courtesy", he was distinguished by his virtuoso ability to win over people of different views and convictions, to deftly take advantage of human weaknesses. He knew how to play "frankness" as a reliable means of controlling people and subordinating them to his will. “A real ruler,” MM said about him. Speransky.

Napoleon, already on the island of St. Helena, spoke of Alexander in the following way: “The Tsar is smart, graceful, educated; he can easily charm, but this must be feared; he is not sincere; this is a real Byzantine of the time of the decline of the Empire ... He can go far. If I die here, he will become my real heir in Europe. " Contemporaries also distinguished such traits of Alexander's character as stubbornness, suspicion, great pride and the desire to "seek popularity for any reason," and the researchers of his biography saw in him "a strange mixture of philosophical beliefs of the 18th century with the principles of innate autocracy."

Alexander I solemnly proclaimed that the basis of his policy would not be the personal will or whim of the monarch, but strict observance of the laws. So, in the manifesto on April 2, 1801, on the abolition of the Secret Expedition, it was said that henceforth "a reliable bulwark for abuse" was laid and that "in a well-organized state, all receipts should be volumetric, judged and punished by the general force of the law." At every convenient opportunity, Alexander liked to talk about the priority of legality. The population was promised legal guarantees against arbitrariness. All these statements of Alexander I had a great public response. In general, the idea of ​​legality was then the most important in the views of representatives of various directions of social thought - from Karamzin to the Decembrists.

In the first years of the reign of Alexander I, it was not only the elimination of the consequences of the tyranny of Paul I, and the improvement of the state system in a new historical situation, when in general all European monarchies had to reckon with the new "spirit of the times" - with the influence of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and the French Revolution on the minds, to conduct flexible policy of concessions and even transformations. The statement of Alexander I is curious: “The most powerful weapon used by the French and which they still threaten all countries with. This is a common belief that they have managed to spread. That their cause is the cause of freedom and happiness of peoples ", therefore" the true interest of the free authorities demands that they snatch this weapon out of the hands of the French and, having taken possession of it, use it against them. "

INTRODUCTION

1. Reform projects of Alexander I

1.1 Beginning of reforms

1.2 Public administration reforms

2. Ideas of liberalism in the projects of M.M. Speransky

3. Conservative ideology. Political and legal ideas of N.M. Karamzin

4. The political ideology of the Decembrists. Projects for the transformation of the state and political system of Russia P.I. Pestel and N.M. Muraviev

5.Political ideas of P.Ya. Chaadaev

6.Political and legal views of Westernizers and Slavophiles

Conclusion

Bibliography

INTRODUCTION

Interest in history especially grows at critical periods in the life of society, when it becomes extremely important to turn to the past, study the experience of previous generations and use it to solve urgent problems. The difficulties that arose during the implementation of the reforms called into question the possibility of using classical Western models of political structure for Russia, which, in turn, led to an increase in interest in domestic experience and, in particular, in the initial history of the political and legal doctrine of Russia.

Thus, at the beginning of the 19th century, a situation arose in Russia that contributed to the emergence of reform projects and constitutional sentiments among the advanced and educated part of Russian society, prompting them to draw up radical plans for state transformations.

1. Reform projects of Alexander I

1.1 Beginning of reforms

Having ascended the throne, Alexander did not dare to straightforwardly pursue a policy of absolutism. His first internal political measures were associated with the correction of the most melodious orders of Paul I, which aroused indignation not only of the St. Petersburg aristocracy, but also of the general Russian public. He spoke out against the despotism and tyranny of his father, promised to pursue a policy "according to the laws and heart" of his grandmother Catherine II. This combined both his liberal views and the desire to gain popularity in society. Alexander restored the "Letters of Grant" canceled by Paul to the nobility and cities, announced a wide amnesty to people who were persecuted under Paul. Free entry and exit abroad, the import of foreign books were again allowed, restrictions on trade with England and the regulations in everyday life, clothing, social behavior, etc., annoyed people, were canceled. These measures gave Alexander the glory of a liberal.

Having ascended the throne, Alexander made it clear that he intends to carry out reforms on the most pressing social and political problems. On April 5, 1801, the Indispensable Council, a legislative body under the sovereign, was created, which received the right to protest the actions and decrees of the tsar. At the same time, the so-called Secret Committee became the main center in which the ideas of transformations were developed. It included the tsar's young friends - Count P. A. Stroganov, the Polish prince A. Czartorysky, Count V. P. Kochubei and Count N. N. Novosiltsev. The projects they developed did not lead to fundamental reforms. The matter was limited to some particular transformations, which only slightly refurbished the facade of the Russian Empire.

1.2 Public administration reforms

In 1802, the obsolete collegia, which had been the main bodies of executive power since the times of Peter the Great, were replaced by ministries. This measure completed the process of delineating the functions of government bodies. It led to the approval of the system of sectoral management, the change of collegiality to one-man management, to the direct responsibility of ministers to the emperor, strengthening of centralization and strengthening of the autocracy. In Russia, a stratum of bureaucracy began to form quickly, entirely dependent on the tsar's mercy and the salary received for the service. The first 8 ministries were established: Army, Navy, Foreign Affairs, Justice, Internal Affairs, Finance, Commerce and Public Education. In the years 1810-1811. during the reorganization of the ministries, their number increased, and the functions were even more clearly delineated. For joint discussion by the ministers of some issues, the Committee of Ministers was established (in 1857 it was transformed into the Council of Ministers, which existed until 1917).

In 1802 the Senate was reformed, which became the highest judicial and controlling body in the system of state administration. His participation in legislative activity was expressed in the fact that he received the right to make "representations" to the emperor about outdated laws.

The INTRODUCTION of the principle of one-man command also affected the management of the Orthodox Church, which was still subordinate to the state. Spiritual affairs were in charge of the Holy Synod, whose members were appointed by the emperor. The Synod was headed by the Chief Prosecutor, a person usually very close to the tsar from among military or civilian officials. His role and powers were increasingly strengthened. Under Alexander I, the post of chief prosecutor was performed in 1803-1824 by Prince A. N. Golitsyn, who since 1816 was also the minister of public education.

Alexander I hoped to restore order and strengthen the state with the introduction of a ministerial system of central government. But there was no decisive victory against abuse. Old vices have settled in the new ministries. Growing up, they rose to the upper levels of state power. Alexander knew the senators who took bribes. The desire to expose them fought in him with fear of damaging the prestige of the Senate. It became obvious that only rearrangements in the bureaucratic machine could not solve the problem of creating a system of state power that would actively contribute to the development of the country's productive forces, and not devour its resources. A fundamentally new approach to solving the problem was required.

Disappointment in his inner circle made him look for support in people personally devoted to him and not associated with the dignified aristocracy. He draws closer to himself first A. A. Arakcheev, and later M. B. Barclay de Tolly, who became Minister of War in 1810, and M. M. Speransky (1772 - 1839), to whom Alexander entrusted the development of a new draft of state reform.

2. Ideas of liberalism in the projects of M.М. Speransky

The first years of the reign of Emperor Alexander I were marked by the desire to implement liberal reforms in the state. It was this period that was marked by the emergence of a group of liberal reformers, among whom M.M. Speransky (1772 1839).

On the instructions of the emperor, Speransky prepared a number of projects concerning the improvement of the state system of the empire, which were actually drafts of the Russian constitution. Some of the projects were written in 1802 1804, in 1809 extensive treatises "INTRODUCTION to the Code of State Laws" and "Draft Code of State Laws of the Russian Empire" were prepared.

Speransky's ideal is a constitutional monarchy based on "the legality of the forms of exercising power." A sine qua non for the existence of such a form of government is the separation of powers. Legislative power, in accordance with the draft, is entrusted to the bicameral Duma, which is engaged in the discussion and adoption of laws. The executive power belongs to the monarch and is controlled by the representative body. The judiciary is exercised by the judicial system, which includes the jury as the lowest level and the Senate as the highest instance. Judicial institutions: volost, uyezd, provincial courts were to be organized on the basis of the election of officials.

Speransky also envisaged the possibility of combining the efforts of various authorities within the framework of the State Council, consisting partly of persons appointed by the monarch, and partly elected by the population. The State Council, unlike the Duma, had only the right to initiate legislation; approval of laws was the prerogative of the State Duma.

Speransky's project assumed the creation of a multi-stage system of representative bodies: the local population elected the volost Duma, then elections were held to the district, provincial Duma, which, in turn, elected deputies to the supreme legislative body, the State Duma. Speransky proposed a new principle for organizing elections on the basis of property qualifications, according to which the population of Russia was divided into three classes of nobility, "average state" (merchants, bourgeois, state peasants) and "working people" (serfs, workers, servants). Political rights, including the right to elect and be elected, were received by the first two estates, which had the necessary real estate condition for this. The working people were endowed only with civil rights.

Being an opponent of serfdom, Speransky proposed a two-stage scheme for the liberation of peasants from serfdom.

Speransky's project, presented at the end of 1809, was initially approved by the emperor, but Alexander did not dare to carry out reforms on a large scale. The transformations actually affected exclusively the central system of government: in 1810, the State Council was established, a legislative body under the sovereign. In the summer of 1811, the "General institution of ministries" developed by Speransky was introduced, which determined the composition, limits of power and responsibility of the ministries, as well as the procedure for office work. This is essentially what Alexander I limited himself to in implementing Speransky's reformist plans. Later, the reformer was removed from the court and exiled to Perm.

3. Conservative ideology. Political and legal ideas of N.M. Karamzin

Outstanding Russian historian, writer, public figure N.M. Karamzin (1766-1826) is considered one of the founders of Russian conservatism. In the most concentrated form Political Views Karamzin were presented by him in a note "On Ancient and New Russia" (1810 1811), addressed to Emperor Alexander I. The note contains proof of the need for autocracy for the Russian state ("autocracy is the palladium of Russia"), the preservation of serfdom. "Russia, writes Karamzin, has always been based on victories and one-man command, perished from power differences, and was saved by a wise autocracy."

Speaking with condemnation of the reform project of M. M. Speransky, the author of the "Note" in every possible way defended his ideal of a strong monarchical government, carried out on the basis of laws and taking measures to moral education and enlightenment of the peoples of his country. Thus, Karamzin urged the emperor to return to the image of an "enlightened monarch" in accordance with the ideas of Montesquieu and the views of Catherine II at the beginning of her reign. Just like the French enlightener, the Russian scientist motivated his monarchical preferences by geographical factors, believing that the vastness of the territory of Russia, the size of its population initially predetermined the country to monarchy.

The socio-political system of the Russian state was presented by Karamzin in the form of the following formula: "The nobility, the clergy, the Senate and the Synod are the repository of laws, over which the Sovereign is the only legislator, the only source of power."

Local power, according to Karamzin, should be represented by governors, for which the historian advised to find fifty smart and competent people who "will zealously observe the good of half a million of Russia entrusted to each of them." Criticizing the current state apparatus with its incompetence, bribery of officials and irresponsibility of persons vested with power, the author of "Notes on Ancient and New Russia" saw the only way out of the situation in the training of competent, specially trained personnel. It is possible to establish good governance, Karamzin believes, only by weakening the central government and expanding the powers of local authorities, since only local authorities know the true state of affairs in the provinces.

In his legal understanding N.M. Karamzin held views opposite to the theory of natural law. Law, the state, the class system of Russia, he associated with the idea of ​​an original national spirit, which is "attachment to our special, respect for their national dignity." The authorities, following the path of the Enlightenment, should not impose on the people laws and institutions alien to them: "The laws of the people should be derived from their own concepts, customs, customs, and local obligations." At the same time, the scientist noted the urgent need for a modern revision of all Russian laws through the implementation of corporate and codification work. The laws had to be corrected, "especially the criminal, cruel and barbaric" existing "to the shame of our legislation."

In the field of foreign policy, Karamzin adhered to a peaceful orientation, giving a positive description of the activities of the rulers of pre-Petrine Russia: "The political system of the Moscow sovereigns deserved surprise for its wisdom, with the goal of one welfare of the people; they fought only out of necessity ... wanting to preserve, not acquire." In the organization of the modern Russian army, Karamzin saw the need for changes associated with the reduction of its number, the destruction of military settlements and "a decrease in severity in trifles."

The views of N. M. Karamzin, despite the fact that his "Note" remained unknown to his contemporaries, left a noticeable mark on the history of Russian political doctrines. Some of the ideas of the outstanding Russian historian were perceived by representatives of the protective movement in the public thought of the Nikolaev era.

4. The political ideology of the Decembrists.Projects for the transformation of the state and political system of Russia P.I. PestelyaiN.M.Muravyova

The Patriotic War of 1812 and the overseas campaigns of the Russian army had a great influence on the advanced nobility, primarily from among the officers. The spirit of liberation that grew up in the struggle against Napoleonic troops, coupled with visits to European countries, acquaintance with the political system, way of life, and the social order of Western Europe, could not but cause a desire for transformations in these areas in his homeland. Latent fermentation among the progressive officers resulted in the creation in 1816. the first secret organization of the Union of Salvation, which existed until 1818. In January 1818, a new secret society, the Union of Welfare, was organized, which in turn disintegrated in 1820 into the Northern and Southern Societies.

In the early 20s. the program documents of secret societies were developed: in the South "Russkaya Pravda" (author PI Pestel), in the North "Constitution" (author N. Muravyov).

Pestel's political program was the most radical. It assumed the abolition of serfdom and the free allotment of land to the peasants. The political ideal of P.I. Pestel was a republic. In the structure of the supreme power of the state, Pestel distinguishes between the supreme legislative power and management (executive power). The supreme legislative power is vested in the People's Council; executive sovereign Duma, and control over the activities of these Pestel attached great importance to general democratic rights and freedoms: personal inviolability, equality of all before the law, freedom of speech, conscience and assembly, freedom of thought. The only possible means of implementing his socio-political program, he considered a military-revolutionary coup, involving the immediate elimination of the monarchy and members of the royal family. The program of P.I. Pestela is not devoid of some contradictions: while advocating strict and unchanging legality, the Decembrist considered it possible to establish a revolutionary dictatorship, which is practically not bound by law in its actions.

Chairman of the "Northern Society" N.M. Muravyov outlined his social and political program in three drafts of the Constitution, the last of which, written in prison at the request of the investigating authorities, was the most radical of all his projects. Muravyov considered a constitutional monarchy, based on the principle of separation of powers, to ensure mutual control of the highest authorities in the state, as a form of government acceptable specifically for Russia. Legislative power, in accordance with the "Constitution", belongs to the People's Chamber, composed "of two chambers: the Supreme Duma and the House of Representatives"; the head of the executive branch is the monarch, whose powers are regulated by law.

The state structure is federal: the whole of Russia is divided into regions called Powers, and in each of them a regional administration is established.

The judiciary (Judicial) is not separated from the administrative and is carried out in a centralized manner through a complex system of judicial bodies. There are conscientious courts in the counties, the number of which is determined by the size of the territory and the population of the county. The next link in the judicial system is the Regional Courts, whose members are elected by the Regional Electoral Chambers from among persons with an annual income of at least three thousand rubles. This court has a jury. The investigation is not separated from the court, but solicitors or lawyers participate in the court session, forming their own estate in each county town. The highest judicial body is the Supreme Court. In accordance with the project, a transparent and open examination of cases in all courts was envisaged. Muravyov's constitutions contained requirements for the unswerving observance of the law by all citizens, and no exceptions to this rule were allowed.

It should be noted that most of the political and legal ideas of the Decembrists about the system of state power, election without a property qualification, and others, were much ahead of their time, some of them were implemented in the Russian state only at the beginning of the 20th century. The Decembrists became the first revolutionaries in the history of Russia who tried to put their theoretical views into practice. Despite the defeat, ideologically and spiritually, the performance of the Decembrists laid the foundations for the future development of the revolutionary movement in the country.

5.Political ideas of P.Ya. Chaadaev

The period of government reaction during the reign of Nicholas I was marked by the work of the outstanding Russian thinker P.Ya. Chaadaeva. In a strict sense, Chaadaev's work can hardly be attributed to any definite trend in philosophical and political-legal thought. At the same time, the general orientation of the socio-philosophical views of the thinker allows us to classify his views as close to liberal ones.

Trying to formulate his own concept of the place and role of Russia in the history of civilizations, Chaadaev sought not only to describe Russia's lagging behind, but also to reveal the factors that hinder the development of the Fatherland. He saw one of them in the geographical isolation of the Russian people, abandoned "to the extreme edge of all civilizations of the world, far from countries where enlightenment naturally should have accumulated, far from the centers from which it shone for so many centuries."

In this context, Chaadaev negatively assesses the role that he played in the history of Russia. Orthodox Church... He lamented that, "obeying our evil fate, we turned to the pathetic Byzantium despised by these peoples for the moral charter that should have formed the basis of our upbringing." The adoption of Christianity according to the Byzantine model contributed, according to the philosopher, to the rejection of peoples Ancient Rus from the "world brotherhood", hence the weakness of Russia, its eternal lag behind the West, isolation from European civilization.

Despite the fact that Chaadaev considers it necessary for Russia to go through all those stages of civilization that Western Europe has gone through, he assigns Russia a special place in the world civilizational space. "We have never walked hand in hand with other peoples; we do not belong to any of the great families of the human race; we do not belong to either the West or the East."

Chaadaev divided the history of mankind into the period before the adoption of Christianity, the era of "wild barbarism" and "gross ignorance", and after Christianity, when a "spiritual principle" appeared in society, and it itself was set in motion "by the power of thought." In the modern history of society, the thinker viewed political revolutions as spiritual revolutions that gave birth to new thoughts and beliefs. At the same time, the revolutions of 1848 and 1849 in a number of European countries debunked Chaadaev's political European ideal, forcing him to look differently at the special role of Russia in European affairs. In a letter to A.S. Khomyakov on September 26, 1849, he noted that Russia has a special fate to "save order, return peace to the peoples, bring its salutary principle into a world devoted to rulelessness."

The main evil of Russian life P.Ya. Chaadaev considered serfdom. Having preferred the civilized forms of organizing life, which he saw in Western Europe, the thinker worried about the state of serfs in Russia. "In Russia, he concluded, everything bears the stamp of slavery, manners, aspirations, enlightenment and even up to freedom itself, if only the latter can exist in this environment."

Chaadaev's ideas had a tremendous impact on the thinking part of Russian society, his spiritual and socio-political creativity was reflected in all areas of the social movement in Russia: Slavophilism, Pochvenism, Westernism, liberalism and conservatism. In "Letters to a Future Friend" (1864) A.I. Herzen emphasized that in the 40s. "Chaadaev stood somehow apart between new people and new questions."

6. Political and legal views of Westernizers and Slavophiles

At the turn of the 30 40s. XIX century in Russia, two currents of social thought, Westernizers and Slavophiles, developed and entered into an ideological struggle. The basis of the ideology of the Westerners, in the greatest of whom were T.N. Granovsky, K. D. Kavelin, V.P. Botkin, P.V. Annenkov and others, it became the recognition of the common development of Russia and the West. Westerners recognized the importance and usefulness of the successes of European civilization, considering it necessary to borrow its experience from Russia. Of course, they did not offer pure borrowing, but the processing of the achievements of the West in accordance with Russian conditions and traditions. In the future, according to Westerners, Russia should develop along the bourgeois path, which was recognized as universal. Westerners highly appreciated the activities of Peter I, his reforms, which turned Russia on the path of European development. Speaking in favor of the need to introduce a constitutional monarchy in the country, the Westerners believed that the development of the state system in Russia would sooner or later take a constitutional path by itself. They considered the peasant reform to be the main and paramount task.

An important role in the works of Westernizers is occupied by the problem of individual rights and freedoms, in particular, political freedoms of speech, press, assembly, etc. Gradually, some Westerners tended to recognize the ideas of socialism (A.I. Herzen, V.G. Belinsky, N.P. Ogarev), some of them came out as opponents of these ideas (T.N. Granovsky, K.D. Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin, I.S. Turgenev).

The Slavophiles (A.S. Khomyakov, Yu.F. Samarin, K.S. and I.S. Aksakovs, I.V. and P.V. The main element of the concept of the Slavophiles (soil people) is the postulate according to which each nation has its own historical destiny, and Russia is developing (and should develop) along a path different from the European one. In their opinion, Russia and the West are two special worlds, living according to different principles and structures. This, however, did not elevate the Slavophils to the rank of supporters of government ideology: they were opponents of the existing political regime, criticized despotism, the bureaucratic system. The appearance of these negative phenomena, as, incidentally, of serfdom in its most unbridled form, the Slavophiles associated with the reforms of Peter I and the barbaric "Europeanization" that he carried out. They suggested returning to the pre-Petrine political experience, the essence of which was in the formula: "The power of the autocracy, the power of the opinion of the people." According to K.S. Aksakov, the Russian people need, first of all, spiritual, moral, and not political freedom. The relationship between the government and the people should include the following principles: mutual non-interference, the duty of the state to protect the people and ensure their well-being, the duty of the people to fulfill state requirements, public opinion as a living moral connection between the people and the government.

At the heart of Russian life, in accordance with the views of the Slavophils, lay the communal principle and the principle of harmony; the Orthodox religion was of great importance, placing the general above the particular, calling for spiritual improvement. The Slavophiles opposed the development of Russia, considering it to be contrary to the principle of communality along the capitalist path.

After the reforms of the 60s. In the 19th century, Slavophilism evolved towards a protective ideology, drawing closer to the conservative opponents of reforms, but a significant part of the expectations and hopes of the native people in relation to the Russian community was perceived by the ideologists of "Russian socialism" (populism).

Conclusion

The era of enlightened government was a thing of the past. From 1820 the government began to shift more and more towards reaction. The incompleteness of the reforms, the strengthening of conservatism led to the fact that the drafts of the Russian constitution began to ripen underground, in secret societies. This phenomenon in history has received the name "Decembrism". Secret organizations began to emerge as early as 1816. The desire to free the country from tsarist despotism led the Decembrists to the idea of ​​a constitution, and some to republicanism.

It seemed that it was only necessary to introduce the economic and political principles of the developed European states in Russia. It is characteristic that the Decembrists in their ideas relied on the experience of the Greco-Latin civilization, as well as the Novgorod Republic. Some suggested a moderate, reformist version of the transformation of Russia (like N.M. Muravyov), others - a more radical - through regicide - to the republic (P.I. Pestel). At the same time, their projects were utopian, and had some Russian specifics: great power (to turn everyone into Russians), centralism, equalization (abolition of workshops, guilds, etc.). Decembrism reflected the social ideals of the European-oriented part of society and did not take into account other, large parts.

The fading away of reforms by the end of the reign of Alexander I is explained not only by the change in the tsar's mood, but also by the lack of broad support for reform activities in society. Seeing the actual collapse of his policy, the emperor more and more moved away from public affairs. Since 1822, Arakcheev became the only rapporteur to the tsar on all matters. The tsar spent a lot of time on the road. During one of these trips, he died at the age of 48. So on November 19, 1825, the reign of Alexander I ended in Taganrog, who was the first tsar to think about limiting the power of autocracy and the legitimacy of serfdom, which was the main obstacle to the development of industry and agriculture, and hindered the maturation of a new economic order - capitalism.

Bibliography

1. Nersesyants V.S. History of political and legal doctrines - Moscow, Norma 2000.

1. Anisimov E.V., Kamenskiy A.B. Russia in the 17th-first half of the 19th century. - M., 1994.

2. Milov L.V., Zyryanov P.N., Bokhanov A.N. History of Russia from the beginning of the 17th to the end of the 19th century. - M .: AST, 1996.

3. Orlov A.S., Georgiev V.A. Russian history. - M .: PROSPECT, 1997.

4. Forerunner A.V. Essays on the socio-political history of Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century. - M.-L., 1957.

5. Prikhodko M.A. Preparation and development of ministerial reform in Russia (February - September 1802). - M .: Company Sputnik +, 2002.

6. Tomsinov V.A. The luminary of the Russian bureaucracy: Historical portrait of M.M. Speransky. - M .: Young Guard, 1991.

7. Chibiryaev S.A. The great Russian reformer: life, work, political views of M.M. Speransky. - M .: Sunday, 1993.

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Introduction

Chapter I. Russia at the beginning of the XIX century. The beginning of liberal reforms

1. Accession to the throne of Alexander I

2. Activity of M.М. Speransky. Stages of liberal reforms (1807-1812). The final stage of the reign of Alexander I

Chapter II. Nicholas I (1825-1855). Reforms and counterreforms

1. Systematization of legislation

2. Yegor Frantsevich Kankrin and monetary reform

Conclusion

List of sources and literature used

Introduction

In terms of its political structure, Russia was an autocratic monarchy. The emperor was at the head of the state, and legislative and administrative power was concentrated in his hands. The emperor ruled the country with the help of a huge army of officials. By law, they were executors of the will of the king, but in reality the bureaucracy played a more significant role. In his hands was the development of laws, it also implemented them. The bureaucracy was the sovereign master, both in the central government bodies and in local (provincial and district). The political system of Russia was in its form autocratic-bureaucratic. All strata of the population suffered from the arbitrariness of the bureaucracy, from its bribery. The situation began to gradually change with the coming to power of a new ruler. russia liberal monetary reform

On March 12, 1801, as a result of a palace coup, Alexander 1 (1801-1825) ascended the Russian throne. The first steps of the new emperor justified the hopes of the Russian nobility and indicated a break with the policy of the previous reign. Alexander, the successor to Emperor Paul, came to the throne with a broad program of reforms in Russia and carried it out more deliberately and more consistently than his predecessor. There were two main aspirations that made up the content of Russia's domestic policy since the beginning of the 19th century: the equalization of the estates before the law and their introduction into joint friendly state activity. These were the main tasks of the era, but they were complicated by other aspirations, which were necessary preparation for their solution or inevitably followed from their solution. The equalization of the estates before the law changed the very foundations of legislation. Thus, a need arose for codification in order to harmonize various laws, old and new. Further, the restructuring of the state order on a legal leveling basis required an increase in the educational level of the people, and meanwhile, the careful, partial implementation of this restructuring caused double discontent in society: some were dissatisfied with the fact that the old was being destroyed; others were unhappy that new things were being introduced too slowly. Hence, it seemed to the government that it was necessary to guide public opinion, to restrain it on the right and left, to direct, to educate the minds. Never before have censorship and public education been included so closely in the general reforming plans of the government as in the past century. Finally, a series of wars and internal reforms, changing along with the external, international position of the state and the internal, social structure of society, shook the state economy, upset finances, forced the payment forces of the people to be strained and improved state amenities, and lowered the people's well-being. Here are a number of phenomena that are intertwined with the main facts of life in the first half of the 19th century.

The main issues of that time were: socio-political, which consisted in the establishment of new relations between social classes, in the structure of society and management with the participation of society; a codification question, which consisted in streamlining the new legislation, a pedagogical question, which consisted in the leadership, direction and education of minds, and, finally, a financial question, which consisted in the new structure of the state economy.

Chapter I. Russia at the beginning of the XIX century. The beginning of liberal reforms

1. Accession to the throne of AlexanderI

Russian liberalism as an official political course was formed during the reign of Alexander I. The tyrannical reign of Paul I caused sharp discontent in the circles of the nobility, whose interests were greatly infringed upon. On the night of March 12, 1801, a group of guards officers from among the conspirators infiltrated the Mikhailovsky Castle without hindrance and finished off Paul. Paul's eldest son, Alexander, ascended the throne.

Alexander was the beloved grandson of Catherine II, who herself directed his upbringing. Alexander I came to the throne at the age of 23, but already with established views. In a manifesto on March 12, 1801, he announced that he would govern the "God entrusted" to him the people "according to the laws and according to the heart in Bose of the reposed august grandmother of our Catherine the Great." Alexander began by reinstating the 1785 "grants" letters of 1785 canceled by Paul I to the nobility and cities, the noble elective corporate bodies - county and provincial assemblies of nobles, freed them from corporal punishment imposed by Paul I; the Secret Expedition, which was already conducting the search and reprisals, was abolished; the prisoners held in the Peter and Paul Fortress were released. Up to 12 thousand officials and military officials who had been disgraced or repressed by Pavel were returned from exile, an amnesty was announced to everyone who fled abroad from Pavlovsk repressions. Other Pavlovian decrees that irritated the nobility were also canceled, for example, wearing round French hats, subscribing to foreign newspapers and magazines. In the cities, the gallows disappeared, to which boards with the names of the disgraced were nailed. It was allowed to reopen private printing houses and allow their owners to publish books and magazines.

In the first years of the reign of Alexander I, it was not only the elimination of the consequences of the tyranny of Paul I, and the improvement of the state system in a new historical situation, when in general all European monarchies had to reckon with the new "spirit of the times" - with the influence of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and the French Revolution on the minds, to conduct flexible policy of concessions and even transformations.

2. The activities of M.M. Speransky. Stages of liberal reforms (1807-1812). The final stage of the reign of Alexander I

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was born on January 1, 1772 in the family of a poor rural priest in the village of Cherkutin, Vladimir province. His father did not have a family name. And only when the boy was identified for study, he was recorded under the name of Speransky (from the Latin word "speranta" - hope).

At the age of 23, the fate of M. M. Speransky changed abruptly. A wealthy nobleman, Prince A. B. Kurakin, needed a home secretary. Rapprochement with Prince Kurakin brought Speransky to the broad road of public service. From that moment on, Speransky's career as a government official began. Having entered the office of the Prosecutor General on January 2, 1797 with the rank of titular adviser, Speransky became a collegiate adviser and governor of the office a year and a half later. Prince Kurakin was removed from his post a year later. Lopukhin was appointed in his place, A.A. Lopukhin was appointed to replace Lopukhin. Bekleshov. Prosecutors general changed, but Speransky remained in his place.

Attempts to reform the first years of the reign of Alexander I were associated with a circle of his associates, called the "Secret Committee".

Meetings of the "Secret Committee" took place two or three times a week. After coffee and a general conversation, the emperor retired, and while all the guests were leaving, four people made their way, like conspirators, along the corridor to one of the inner rooms, where Alexander was waiting for them. The tsar instructed his young friends to develop and implement reforms, in particular, "to curb the despotism of our government." Of course, Speransky immediately found himself in the thick of events and changes. Already on March 19 (a week after the accession of the new monarch; this date is given in all formal lists) he was appointed "Secretary of State." He became the right hand of Dmitry Prokofievich Troshchinsky. Speransky's participation is evident in the preparation of a number of laws. So, in 1801, a decree was issued allowing merchants, bourgeois and peasants to buy unpopulated land. On September 8, 1802, the Imperial Manifesto announced (the text was prepared by Speransky) about the establishment - instead of 20 colleges - 8 ministries: military (until 1808 - the Ministry of the Army), naval (until 1815 - the Ministry of the Navy forces), foreign affairs, justice, internal affairs, finance, commerce, public education.

Speransky prepared the annual reports of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which were published (this was a novelty) in the ministerial periodical "St. Petersburg Journal". In February 1803, with the direct participation of Speransky (concept, text), the famous Decree "on free farmers" was published, which was perceived by the inert nobility almost as the beginning of the revolution. According to this decree, the landowners received the right to release the serfs to "freedom", giving them land. The land had to be paid for for many years; in case of delay in payments, the peasant and his family returned to serfdom. During the reign of Alexander I, only 47 thousand people were released.

Much has been done in the field of education. Among the transformative reforms, the School Charters 1804 should be noted, according to which children of all classes were admitted to schools of all levels - from the lowest to the highest. Serious positive changes have also taken place in the field of higher education. New universities were established: Kazan, Kharkov, Vilnius, Dorpat; as well as lyceums: Nezhinsky, Yaroslavsky and Tsarskoye Selo. The Main Pedagogical Institute was founded in St. Petersburg, which later became St. Petersburg University.

Printing rights have been significantly expanded. The censorship charter of 1804 exempted literature from prior censorship, the rights of which were clearly defined.

Speransky is gradually transforming from a simple performer into one of the arbiters of the destinies of Russia. Due to the frequent absences of Kochubei due to illness, Speransky became the main speaker of the tsar.

Stages of liberal reforms (1807-1812)

The transformation of the Council of State was the most important of the reforms carried out. On January 1, 1810, the "Manifesto on the Establishment of the State Council" and "Formation of the State Council" were published, regulating the activities of this body. Both documents were written by Speransky himself.

The terms of reference of the Council of State are very broad. Its competence includes: all subjects requiring a new law, statute or institution; items of internal management requiring the cancellation, limitation or addition of previous provisions; cases requiring an explanation of their true meaning in laws, statutes and institutions; general measures and orders acceptable for the successful implementation of existing laws, statutes and institutions; general domestic measures, acceptable in extreme cases; declaration of war, conclusion of peace and other important external measures; annual estimates of general government revenues and expenditures and emergency financial measures; all cases in which any part of state income or property is transferred to private ownership; reports of all the offices of ministerial departments, managed by secretaries of state, who were subordinate to the secretary of state. This title was entrusted to Speransky himself. For the conduct of the affairs of the Council, a state chancellery was established under the direction of the secretary of state, who reports on issues at the general meeting and is the head of the entire executive part. The Council had a commission for drafting laws and a commission for petitions. The decisions of the Council were adopted by a majority vote.

Ministerial reform began even before the transformation of the State Council. The manifesto of July 25, 1810 promulgated a "new division of state affairs in the executive order" with a detailed definition of the limits of their activities and the degree of their responsibility. The manifesto repeated all the main thoughts and proposals of Speransky. True, he introduced one more department: the main department of spiritual affairs and confessions of other religions.

The next manifesto - the "General institution of ministries" of June 25, 1811, announced the formation of ministries, determined their staff, the procedure for appointment, dismissal, promotions, and the procedure for conducting cases. The degree and limits of the power of ministers, their relationship with the legislature and, finally, the responsibility of both ministers and various officials who belonged to the ministerial offices and departments have been determined.

Each ministry has received a uniform structural design. According to the "General Mandate", the ministry was headed by a minister appointed by the emperor and actually responsible to him. The apparatus of the ministries consisted of several departments headed by the director, and they, in turn, were divided into departments headed by the chief. The departments were divided into tables led by the clerk. All work of the ministries was based on the principle of one-man management. Ministers appointed and dismissed officials, supervised institutions subordinate to the ministry. The 1811 Manifesto essentially gave ministers unlimited power in their industry. On March 20, 1812, the "Establishment of the Committee of Ministers" was promulgated. This document defined it as the highest administrative body. The committee consisted of 15 members: 8 ministers, 4 chairmen of departments of the State Council, the commander-in-chief of St. Petersburg, the chief of the General Staff and the chief of the naval staff. Prince N.I.Saltykov was the Chairman of the Committee, but the cases considered by the Committee were reported to Alexander I by A.A.Arakcheev. The creation of such a body was nothing more than a complete disregard for the principle of separation of powers, subordination of the legislative power to the higher administration.

The Senate became a stumbling block for Speransky. If earlier all his proposals passed almost without discussion, then in this case heated debate unfolded in the very State Council, which was transformed according to his plan. Council members overwhelmingly objected to the reform of the Senate. Objections boiled down to the fact that a change in an institution that has existed for centuries "will make a sad impression on the minds", the division of the Senate will diminish its importance, entail great costs and create "great difficulties in finding capable people both in clerical positions and in the senators themselves." Some members of the Council of State considered that the choice of some of the senators contradicted the principle of autocracy and "would rather turn to harm than to benefit." Others vehemently opposed the Judicial Senate being the highest court and its decision to be final, believing that this act would diminish autocratic power.

Despite all objections, the Senate reform project was approved by a majority of votes, and Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council. However, the approved project of reorganizing the Senate was not destined to be implemented. The war with Napoleon was approaching, in addition, the treasury was empty. The Emperor decided not to begin reforming the Senate until more favorable times.

The final stage of the reign of Alexander I

In mid-July 1825, Alexander received reliable information that a conspiracy was brewing against him in the troops stationed in the south of Russia. On the personal instructions of Alexander I, a plan was developed to identify the members and leaders of the secret organization. Arakcheev was assigned to lead this investigation. The news of a conspiracy among the troops located in the south of Russia forced Alexander I to cancel the review of troops in Belaya Tserkov, scheduled for the fall of 1825. On September 1, 1825, Alexander left for the south, intending to visit military settlements there, the Crimea and the Caucasus (the trip was undertaken under the pretext of improving the empress's health). On September 14, the tsar was already in Taganrog. After 9 days, Elizaveta Alekseevna arrived there. On October 27, on the way from Balaklava to the St. George Monastery, the tsar caught a bad cold. On November 5, he returned to Taganrog already seriously ill, about which he wrote to his mother in St. Petersburg. Life-doctors diagnosed a fever. On November 7, the emperor's illness worsened. Alert bulletins about the state of his health were sent to St. Petersburg and Warsaw. On November 9th there was a temporary relief. On November 10, Alexander gave the order to arrest the identified members of the secret organization. This was the last order of Alexander: soon he finally took to his bed. On November 14, the king fell into unconsciousness. The medical council found that there was no hope of recovery. On November 19, at 11 o'clock in the morning, he died.

ChapterII. Nicholas I (1825-1855). Reforms and counterreforms

The third son of Paul I, brother of Alexander I, Nicholas (1796-1855), ascended the throne in 1825 and ruled Russia for three decades. His time was the apogee of autocracy in Russia.

Unlike Alexander I, Nicholas I was always alien to the ideas of constitutionalism and liberalism. His reign began with the suppression of the Decembrist uprising on December 14, 1825. The fate of Nicholas hung in the balance, but he managed to suppress the uprising. The rebels were shot from cannons, and order was restored in the capital.

Later, at the beginning of January 1826, the uprising of the Chernigov regiment was just as ruthlessly suppressed in the south of Russia. Russia swore allegiance to Nicholas I.

Nicholas I understood the reforms as a compromise between the past and the future, and not the destruction of the former in the name of the latter. He took his time with radical changes, believing that they should be preceded by a long preparatory period. Haste in solving complex problems could lead, but in his opinion, to dire social and political consequences.

According to Nicholas I, only an absolute monarchy could preserve the integrity of the vast and multinational empire and protect the country from the destructive consequences of revolutionary upheavals. Autocracy also seemed to him the most convenient mechanism for carrying out transformations. The emperor found the state system of government that had developed under Alexander I ineffective. However, Nicholas I did not cancel any of the innovations of Alexander I, trying to solve all problems by centralizing and rigidly regulating the work of state bodies and all public life.

Under Nicholas I, the State Council finally lost its significance in solving state issues, and the system of ministries was actually replaced by a body that received enormous influence - His Imperial Majesty's own office. It turned into an important institution that carried out the highest control and administrative functions, intervened in all spheres of the political, social, and spiritual life of the country, and monitored the administration of the provinces.

Nikolai considered strengthening the police apparatus as his special task. The activities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs did not satisfy him. Therefore, in 1826, the III Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery was created, designed to carry out political investigation and supervision under the personal leadership of the Emperor. A.Kh. was put at the head of the department. Benckendorf. In 1827, the III department was assigned the corps of gendarmes created that year, and the country was divided into gendarme districts. Section III was not numerous, but it had a wide network of agents, with the help of which it was in charge of collecting information about the mood in society, followed suspicious people, was engaged in perluting letters, and supervised the censorship. In fact, an effective political system was created that made it possible to slow down the development of the revolutionary movement for a long period and, at the same time, aimed at suppressing any dissent.

Another measure in the fight against liberalism was the tightening of censorship. In 1826, a new censorship charter was issued, which was called cast iron by contemporaries. Indeed, with its strict rules, it has placed a very heavy burden on publishers and authors. True, in 1828 the new charter somewhat softened the extremes of its "cast-iron" predecessor. Nevertheless, the petty and strict supervision of the seal remained. The charter included 230 prohibitive articles. Liberal magazines were closed: "Moscow Telegraph", "Telescope" and many others. Writers and publicists who dared to express views in the press that did not coincide with the official ones were subjected to repression (exile of M.E.Saltykov-Shchedrin, arrest of I.S.Turgenev). The censors were obliged to prohibit any publication, any publication, if they saw the slightest hint of criticism of the autocratic way of government or the Orthodox religion. Natural-scientific and philosophical books that contradicted Orthodox moral teachings were prohibited.

Nicholas I firmly believed in the need to follow the letter of existing laws for the country's prosperity. In this regard, the law was codified (streamlined). Codification was aimed at achieving uniformity in office work, pursuing the goal of eliminating any "initiative". This work was entrusted to the II Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery and was carried out under the leadership of M.M. Speransky. In 1830-1832. 45 volumes of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire and 15 volumes of the Code of Russian Laws in force were published.

Implemented by Nicholas I, the idea of ​​over-centralization in practice turned into a rupture of the connection between power and real life and eventually led to a crisis of power.

Educational institutions were also subjected to pedantic control. Nicholas I strove to make the school a class one, and teaching, in order to suppress the slightest free thought, was taught in a strict Orthodox-monarchical spirit. With a rescript issued in 1827, the tsar forbade the admission of serfs to secondary and higher educational institutions.

In 1828, a new school charter appeared, restructuring the middle and lower levels of public education. Between the existing types of schools (a one-class parish school, a three-class district school, a seven-class gymnasium), any successive connection was destroyed, since only people from the corresponding classes could study in each of them. So, the gymnasium was intended for the children of the nobility. Secondary and lower schools, as well as private educational institutions were under the strict supervision of the Ministry of Public Education. The ruling circles paid close attention to universities, which both the higher bureaucracy and the tsar himself, not without reason, considered a breeding ground for "willfulness and free-thinking." The charter of 1835 deprived universities of a significant part of their rights and internal independence.

The goals of the ideological struggle against free thought were formulated in 1833 by the Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov's theory of the official nationality, based on three principles: Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality. According to this theory, the Russian people are deeply religious and devoted to the throne, and the Orthodox faith and autocracy are indispensable conditions for the existence of Russia. Nationality was understood as the need to adhere to one's own traditions and reject foreign influence. The theory of the official nationality was actively promoted in the press and literature.

1 . Systematization of legislation

The work on the systematization of the legislation was entrusted to the person who had returned to active state activities Speransky.

He was returned from exile by Alexander I. Nicholas, before bringing him closer to himself, subjected him to a difficult test: included in the Supreme Criminal Court over the Decembrists; moreover, he instructed to draw up a verdict. With an extremely unpleasant feeling and not without an internal struggle, Speransky fulfilled this assignment. It was he, with his ability to systematize everything, who divided the defendants into "categories" according to the degree of their guilt, so that the "upper group" of five people was sentenced to Kazan. After that, he was entrusted with a really important state matter - the compilation of a new Code of Laws.

Since the time of the Council Code of 1649, thousands of manifestos and decrees have accumulated, which supplemented, canceled, and contradicted each other. Only a very experienced lawyer could understand them. The lack of a set of laws in force hampered the activities of the authorities, created grounds for abuse by officials.

Speransky, who had long abandoned dreams of a constitution, now strove to restore order in government, without going beyond the autocratic system. Therefore, with great eagerness he took up the task entrusted to him. A group of specialists under his leadership identified in the archives and arranged in chronological order all the laws adopted after 1649. They were published in the "Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire" (51 volumes). By the end of 1832, the preparation of all 15 volumes of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire was completed. The first volume included the most important state laws. On January 19, 1835, the Code of Laws was approved by the State Council. Nicholas I, who was present at the meeting, took off the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called and entrusted it to Speransky. Since 1835, this "Code" came into effect, reducing chaos in management and arbitrariness of officials. However, the over-centralization of power did not lead to positive results. The supreme authorities drowned in a sea of ​​papers and lost control over the course of affairs on the ground, and this led to red tape and abuse.

Nicholas I considered the most important issue of serfdom. At the beginning of his reign, he was constantly occupied with the idea of ​​emancipating the peasants, he agreed that serfdom was evil. But then he came to the conclusion that the abolition of serfdom would now be an even greater evil for Russia. In 1827, a law was issued according to which, if a peasant had less than 4.5 tithes per capita on a noble estate, then such a peasant either transferred to state administration or to a free city state. In 1841, the peasant family was recognized as an inseparable legal entity, and the peasants were prohibited from selling separately from the family. In 1842, a decree on obligated peasants was issued, which allowed the landowner to release the peasants free, providing them with land for temporary use in response to certain duties or quitrent. In 1848, a law was passed that provided the peasants with the right, with the consent of the landowner, to acquire real estate.

Much more has been done for the state peasants. There were about 9 million of them. From 1837 to 1841, a system of measures was carried out to manage the state peasants. In 1837, the Ministry of State Property was created to manage the serfs. Nicholas I entrusted the leadership of this ministry to his associate, Count P.N. Kiseleva. Under his leadership, the reform of the state village was carried out. 6 thousand rural communities were created. They were given the right to self-government and the right to elect justices of the peace. According to the decree of 1843, no district chief had the right to interfere in the affairs of the community. The land-poor state peasants were given 2 million 300 thousand dessiatines of free land; 500 thousand dess. the land was transferred to peasants who had no land at all; 170 thousand peasants were relocated to areas with surplus land; the educated rural communities received 3 million dessiatins. forests. Much attention was paid to raising the agrotechnical level of peasant agriculture. The ministry set up a seed fund and food warehouses in the villages in case of crop failure. So, the government practiced planting potatoes and immediately put the potatoes in warehouses. The peasants regarded the planting of potatoes as an increase in the state plowing. "Potato riots" swept across the country. Over a thousand rural credit societies and savings banks were created for state peasants; 98 thousand brick houses were built for the peasants. Much has been done to protect the health of the peasants and education. In 1838, there were 60 schools in peasant communities with 1,800 students, and in 1866 there were already 2,550 schools in them, in which 110 thousand children studied. State peasants were freed from road repairs. Then the peasants began to be transferred to a quitrent status.

In 1844 to 1847. in the Kiev general government (9 western provinces), an inventory reform was carried out. The land here, after the entry into Russia in 1815, belonged to Polish Catholic nobles who opposed Russia. They oppressed their peasants - Ukrainians, Belarusians, Russians. Nicholas I began to pursue a policy of protecting the Orthodox population in these territories. Here inventories were held - an inventory of landlord estates. In accordance with the size of the landowners' estates, clear norms of corvee and rent were established, which the owner of the estate had no right to exceed.

2 . Egor Frantsevich Kankrin and monetary reform

Shortly before his death, Alexander I appointed the famous scientist-economist Yegor Frantsevich Kankrin to the post of Minister of Finance. A convinced conservative, Kankrin did not raise the issue of deep socio-economic reforms. But he soberly assessed the possibilities of the economy of serf Russia and believed that the government should proceed precisely from these possibilities. Kankrin sought to restrict government spending, used credit carefully and adhered to a protectionist system, imposing high duties on goods imported into Russia. This brought income to the state treasury and protected the fragile Russian industry from competition.

Kankrin believed that his main task was to streamline monetary circulation. The reform took place in stages. At the initial stage (in 1827), it was officially allowed to accept silver from the population at the exchange rate of 1: 3.7 or 27 kopecks in silver per ruble in banknotes when some tax payments were made to the treasury. The experiment was a success, and in 1830 in 27 provinces it was allowed to accept metal money when paying for all taxes and fees at a slightly updated rate of 27.4 kopecks. Thanks to this event, the inflow of hard currency to the treasury has sharply increased. People were getting used to the forgotten form of metallic money, which began to circulate on the market on a par with bank notes. The latter gradually began to turn, as it were, into bargaining chips (auxiliary) money. Nevertheless, the demand for them increased, as both sellers and buyers became convinced in practice of the sustainable nature of the increase in their market value.

On June 1, 1839, the main event in the life of Kankrin took place - a decree was published on the transition to metal currency circulation. This year is considered to be the year of the beginning of the monetary reform of E.F. Kankrin: the silver ruble was declared the basic monetary unit and its firm exchange rate was established in relation to banknotes. From January 1, 1840, at the state commercial bank, deposit boxes were opened to attract deposits of the population in hard currency. In exchange, the depositor received special deposit tickets worth 1,3,5,10,25,50,100 rubles. silver. Such tickets were in circulation along with the silver coin throughout the country. The population quickly got used to the fact that: both hard currency and paper money can be used everywhere as a means of payment; the exchange rate of banknotes has remained practically stable for a long time; when making large payments, the use of banknotes is preferable to metal coins. At the end of 1841, deposit tickets were replaced by credit ones. The new monetary system has functioned steadily for over ten years.

During the reign of Nicholas I, many important events took place that were not of national importance, but the results of which we still use. The first in Russia Tsarskoye Selo railway was built (1837), and then the Nikolaev railway Petersburg - Moscow (train traffic began in 1851). During the reign of Nicholas I, the first official anthem of the Russian Empire was born, which became one of the symbols of the Nikolaev era. The author of the text of the hymn "God Save the Tsar" was poet V.A. Zhukovsky, composer A.F. Lviv. The anthem was first performed in Moscow, at the Bolshoi Theater on December 11, 1833. Under him, uniform programs, textbooks, marks (from 1 to 5), uniforms were introduced in Russian schools.

Conclusion

Each reform carried out played its role and was of great importance for the historical and political process as a whole; reforms have affected almost all spheres of public life, as well as the state structure and in the field of education; by paying attention to each reform, one can clearly formulate the current political situation in Russia. Getting acquainted with the government activities of the era under study, we come to the conclusion that the first period of the reign of Nicholas I was a time of vigorous work, the progressive nature of which, in comparison with the end of the previous reign, is obvious. However, later one can be convinced that this vigorous activity did not attract either the participation or sympathy of the best intellectual forces of the then society and did not create for Emperor Nicholas I the popularity that his predecessor Alexander enjoyed in his best years.

The authorities under Emperor Nicholas I did not address society and did not take anything from it; the chancellery was given only formalist performers, far from real life. By the end of the reign of Emperor Nicholas I, the system of bureaucracy alienating power from society led to the dominance of precisely the clerical formalism, completely devoid of that vigor and readiness for reforms that we saw at the beginning of this reign.

Codification of laws, reform of state village management and monetary reform by E.F. Kankrina (the introduction of the silver ruble and banknotes) - these are the main positive aspects of the Nikolaev reign. With their help, Nicholas I managed to achieve an increase in trade, raise the economy of Russia, and thereby somehow strengthen his Empire.

Despite this, by the end of the reign of Nicholas I, Russia's external debt reached 278 million rubles, more than double the amount of debt left by Alexander I. Huge funds allocated for military needs were spent irrationally. Nicholas I, who lived with the notions of the era of the Napoleonic wars, did not notice the growing military backwardness of Russia. Nor did he see that his Empire was on the verge of a severe crisis.

The Nikolaev Empire suffered a serious military defeat. A severe blow was dealt to the official doctrine of the superiority of Russian orders over European ones. The war mercilessly exposed the backwardness of Russia, the rottenness of the Nicholas Empire.

List of sources and literature used.

1. Anisimov E.V., Kamenskiy A.B. Russia in the 17th-first half of the 19th century. - M., 1994.

2. Buganov VI, Zyryanov P. N "History of Russia: the end of the XYII-XIX centuries". - M .: "Education", 1995

3. Derevianko A.P., Shabelnikova N.A. History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the XX century. - M .: Law and Law, 2001

4. Isaev I.A. "History of State and Law of Russia" - a complete course of lectures, - M .: Jurist, 1994.

5. Konyaev N.M. The True History of the House of Romanov M. Veche, 2006

6. Makeeva G.D. Speransky and others: A novel about the first Russian perestroika. M., 1990;

7. Milov L.V., Zyryanov P.N., Bokhanov A.N. History of Russia from the beginning of the 17th to the end of the 19th century. - M .: AST, 1996.

9. Mironenko S.V. “Autocracy and Reforms. Political struggle in Russia at the beginning of the XIX century. "- M .:" Science ", 1989

10. Morozov V.I. State and legal views of M.M. Speransky. SPb., 1999; With

11. Orlov A.S., Georgiev V.A. Russian history. - M .: PROSPECT, 1997.

12. Pivovarov Yu. Essays on the history of Russian socio-political thought of the XIX - first third of the XX century. M., 1997.S. 39.

13. Sakharov A.N. Alexander I // Russian autocrats (1801-1917). M., 1993

14. Soloviev S.M. Works in 18 volumes. Book. 1. History of Russia since ancient times. Moscow, 1988, T. 1-2. P. 51

15. Chibiryaev S.A. The great Russian reformers: life, work, political views of M.M. Speransky. - M .: Sunday, 1993.

16. Chistyakova OI "History of domestic state and law". Textbook. Part 1.

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14. Attempts at liberal reforms in Russia under Alexander I.

Before 1812 The reformist direction of the activities of Alexander I was clearer. WITH 1801 on 1803 biennium he relied on the recommendations of his "young friends", members of the Secret Committee (A.A. 1806 on 1812 biennium M.M. became the closest adviser to the emperor. Speransky.

Projects of liberal reforms M.M. Speransky:

Speransky is already at the end 1809 G. drew up a plan for reforming the Russian Empire - "Introduction to the Code of State Laws." The essence of the project was to transform feudal-serf Russia into a legal bourgeois state. The issue of the abolition of serfdom as an indispensable condition for preventing revolution was also considered.

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According to the draft constitution, developed by Speransky, the entire population of the state was divided into three classes:

1) the nobility;

2) merchants, philistines, state peasants;

3) "working people" - landlord peasants, artisans, servants.

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At the request of the conservative nobility in 1812 Mr. Speransky was exiled. At the same time, after the war, new provinces of Russia received constitutions: Poland and Finland.

Thus, the measures taken by Alexander I to transform the socio-political structure of the country did not lead to significant changes.

V 1811 The ministries were transformed, namely, their functions and structure were clarified. These measures made it possible to complete the formation of the administrative machine of the Russian Empire.

15. Foreign policy of Russia in the first quarter of the XIX century.

The main directions in the foreign policy of Russia in the first quarter of the XIX century. there were western and eastern. The international situation in Europe and the Middle East determined the actions of the Russian government in resolving various foreign policy conflicts.